Spanish Abstract: En febrero de 1967, Hannah Arendt publicó un ensayo separado bajo el título de ‘Verdad y Política’ en las páginas de The New Yorker. Al año siguiente, en 1968, el mismo apareció como el séptimo ensayo de su colección Entre el pasado y el futuro: Ocho ejercicios sobre la reflexión política. El presente artículo toma a ‘Verdad y Política’ como punto de partida y discute la naturaleza trans-epocal de su contenido, en especial, de sus conceptos de ‘verdad factual’ (verdad de hecho) y ‘verdad de razón’ (o verdad de discurso), y su relación con tópicos actuales en las democracias liberales contemporáneas pluralistas, tales como, el uso de la mentira puesta al servicio de la adquisición y el mantenimiento del poder, y la emergencia de “nuevos” conceptos como ‘posverdad’, ‘noticias falsas’, ‘hechos alternativos’, ‘regímenes de posverdad’, ‘sociedad post-factual’ y ‘pospolítica’. English Abstract: In February 1967, Hannah Arendt published a separate essay untitled ‘Truth and Politics’ in the pages of The New Yorker. The following year, in 1968, it appeared as the seventh essay in her essay collection Between Past and Future: Eight Exercises of Political Reflection. This article takes it as a point of departure and discusses its trans-epochal content, especially, the difference between ‘factual truth’ and ‘truth from reason’, or truth from discourse, and their relationships with selected current topics in contemporary liberal democracies such as the use of lies in the service of power acquisition and power maintenance, and the emergence of ‘new’ concepts such as ‘post-truth’, ‘fake news’, ‘alternative facts’, ‘regimes of post-truth’, ‘post-factual society’, and ‘post-politics’.
1967年2月，汉娜·阿伦特在《纽约客》上发表了一篇题为《真相与政治》的单独文章。第二年，也就是1968年，这篇文章作为他的文集《过去与未来:政治反思的八个练习》的第七篇文章出现。本条把‘真的和政治作为起点,并讨论性质trans-epocal其内容,尤其是概念‘真的事实(事实),而“理性”(或事实的演讲),及其多元当代自由民主国家当前的议题,例如利用谎言服务于购置和维持政权,出现“新”等概念‘posverdad,“假新闻”、“另类事实”、“后真相政权”、“后事实社会”和“后政治”。English Abstract: 1967年2月,珍视的单独essay untitled‘Truth and Politics In the pages of the《纽约客》(New Yorker)。以下1968年,in, it appeared as The第七届essay in her essay collection过去与未来:八全欧of Political Reflection。This takes it as a point of departure条discusses its trans-epochal内容,特别是,the difference between“事实真相”和“truth from reason or truth from discourse,及其关系带有第三十current . in当代自由如the use of史蒂文·索德伯格in the service of power维护手册and power, and the emergence of‘新’‘post-truth概念,如‘举news,‘替代事实,‘regimes of post-truth,“后事实社会”和“后政治”。
{"title":"Verdad y política de Hannah Arendt en la era de la posverdad (Hannah Arendt's Truth and Politics in the Post-Truth Era)","authors":"M. Ponce","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3209057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3209057","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Spanish Abstract:</b> En febrero de 1967, Hannah Arendt publicó un ensayo separado bajo el título de ‘Verdad y Política’ en las páginas de The New Yorker. Al año siguiente, en 1968, el mismo apareció como el séptimo ensayo de su colección Entre el pasado y el futuro: Ocho ejercicios sobre la reflexión política. El presente artículo toma a ‘Verdad y Política’ como punto de partida y discute la naturaleza trans-epocal de su contenido, en especial, de sus conceptos de ‘verdad factual’ (verdad de hecho) y ‘verdad de razón’ (o verdad de discurso), y su relación con tópicos actuales en las democracias liberales contemporáneas pluralistas, tales como, el uso de la mentira puesta al servicio de la adquisición y el mantenimiento del poder, y la emergencia de “nuevos” conceptos como ‘posverdad’, ‘noticias falsas’, ‘hechos alternativos’, ‘regímenes de posverdad’, ‘sociedad post-factual’ y ‘pospolítica’. <b>English Abstract:</b> In February 1967, Hannah Arendt published a separate essay untitled ‘Truth and Politics’ in the pages of The New Yorker. The following year, in 1968, it appeared as the seventh essay in her essay collection Between Past and Future: Eight Exercises of Political Reflection. This article takes it as a point of departure and discusses its trans-epochal content, especially, the difference between ‘factual truth’ and ‘truth from reason’, or truth from discourse, and their relationships with selected current topics in contemporary liberal democracies such as the use of lies in the service of power acquisition and power maintenance, and the emergence of ‘new’ concepts such as ‘post-truth’, ‘fake news’, ‘alternative facts’, ‘regimes of post-truth’, ‘post-factual society’, and ‘post-politics’.","PeriodicalId":296040,"journal":{"name":"IRPN: Political Science of Innovation (Topic)","volume":"17 5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114151769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Access to justice has long been in the constitutional real estate market, in search of a home within Canada’s constitutional framework. To put it differently, access to justice has been couch surfing through the constitutional jurisprudence and appears to be concurrently residing within two different constitutional principles. Access to justice has been referred to as a component of the rule of law. It has also been framed in terms of judicial independence and section 96 of the Constitution Act, 1867. In some cases, the right to access justice has even been construed as a vague combination of both the rule of law and judicial independence. Although these links to constitutional principles elevate the status of access to justice to that of a legal right, the precise source of that right remains unclear. Yet it is important for access to justice to find a clear and permanent constitutional home. Until access to justice is clearly lodged in the constitution, any attempt to define its content will remain unsatisfying and will make further jurisprudence in this area increasingly difficult to predict. Indeed, it has become expedient to talk about practical solutions to the access problem, without worrying about whether those solutions are reflective of the underlying legal right itself. The lack of conceptual clarity may be of particular importance for the administrative justice system. This is because access to justice’s choice of constitutional home may influence the extent to which that legal right applies within administrative justice.The authors consider these issues in light of the Supreme Court of Canada’s recent decision in BC Trial Lawyers and the Court’s earlier jurisprudence linking it to the rule of law. They submit that a shift from the rule of law to section 96 creates the potential for access to justice constitutional obligations to arise for administrative tribunals as well as the courts. However, the access to justice features of the rule of law continue to provide important analytical considerations that should not be overshadowed by too narrow a focus on section 96 alone.
{"title":"Access to Justice, Looking for a Constitutional Home: Implications for the Administrative Legal System","authors":"Michelle Flaherty, A. Cole","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2760666","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2760666","url":null,"abstract":"Access to justice has long been in the constitutional real estate market, in search of a home within Canada’s constitutional framework. To put it differently, access to justice has been couch surfing through the constitutional jurisprudence and appears to be concurrently residing within two different constitutional principles. Access to justice has been referred to as a component of the rule of law. It has also been framed in terms of judicial independence and section 96 of the Constitution Act, 1867. In some cases, the right to access justice has even been construed as a vague combination of both the rule of law and judicial independence. Although these links to constitutional principles elevate the status of access to justice to that of a legal right, the precise source of that right remains unclear. Yet it is important for access to justice to find a clear and permanent constitutional home. Until access to justice is clearly lodged in the constitution, any attempt to define its content will remain unsatisfying and will make further jurisprudence in this area increasingly difficult to predict. Indeed, it has become expedient to talk about practical solutions to the access problem, without worrying about whether those solutions are reflective of the underlying legal right itself. The lack of conceptual clarity may be of particular importance for the administrative justice system. This is because access to justice’s choice of constitutional home may influence the extent to which that legal right applies within administrative justice.The authors consider these issues in light of the Supreme Court of Canada’s recent decision in BC Trial Lawyers and the Court’s earlier jurisprudence linking it to the rule of law. They submit that a shift from the rule of law to section 96 creates the potential for access to justice constitutional obligations to arise for administrative tribunals as well as the courts. However, the access to justice features of the rule of law continue to provide important analytical considerations that should not be overshadowed by too narrow a focus on section 96 alone.","PeriodicalId":296040,"journal":{"name":"IRPN: Political Science of Innovation (Topic)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125507957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
India and Asian country have continually shared deep social, cultural, economic and political connections and relations that have enriched each civilization. The utilization of the Persian language at the Mughal courts is simply one example of Iranian cultural influence in north Bharat.
{"title":"India-Iran Relations","authors":"D. Suresh","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2671427","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2671427","url":null,"abstract":"India and Asian country have continually shared deep social, cultural, economic and political connections and relations that have enriched each civilization. The utilization of the Persian language at the Mughal courts is simply one example of Iranian cultural influence in north Bharat.","PeriodicalId":296040,"journal":{"name":"IRPN: Political Science of Innovation (Topic)","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127577976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Labour Legislation generates the Nations Labour Policy and if it is not good it promotes Poverty and Prostitution.It is said that “Appearances are Deceptive” and also that “All that Glitters is not Gold”.It is not only Surprising but Shocking that we “See”, but do NOT “Observe”, we “Hear”, but we do NOT “ Listen”, we “Think”, but we do NOT “Understand”, we “Act”, but we do NOT “Perform”, we “React”, but we do NOT “Realize”, we try to “Reform” but we Fail to achieve the “Result”, what does this mean?It means that we are being deceived by various appearances at different places, all the Time. What we are seeing or Perceiving is an Illusion a Mirage, a Myth in the form of Beggars, who we think are Poor.Unfed and the Oppressed.It is said that Truth is Stranger than Fiction.If Proper, Efficient, and Effective Labour Legislation would have taken place in the Pakistan Parliament by our Politician, then we would Not have been a Nation full of Beggars and Poverty.
{"title":"Labour Legislation/Policy and the Gender (Female) Aspects of Labour Laws in Pakistan. (From Pre-Independence Till 2010)","authors":"A. Rizvi, S. Wasti","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2633124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2633124","url":null,"abstract":"The Labour Legislation generates the Nations Labour Policy and if it is not good it promotes Poverty and Prostitution.It is said that “Appearances are Deceptive” and also that “All that Glitters is not Gold”.It is not only Surprising but Shocking that we “See”, but do NOT “Observe”, we “Hear”, but we do NOT “ Listen”, we “Think”, but we do NOT “Understand”, we “Act”, but we do NOT “Perform”, we “React”, but we do NOT “Realize”, we try to “Reform” but we Fail to achieve the “Result”, what does this mean?It means that we are being deceived by various appearances at different places, all the Time. What we are seeing or Perceiving is an Illusion a Mirage, a Myth in the form of Beggars, who we think are Poor.Unfed and the Oppressed.It is said that Truth is Stranger than Fiction.If Proper, Efficient, and Effective Labour Legislation would have taken place in the Pakistan Parliament by our Politician, then we would Not have been a Nation full of Beggars and Poverty.","PeriodicalId":296040,"journal":{"name":"IRPN: Political Science of Innovation (Topic)","volume":"90 1-2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132364788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Last several decades have shown a steady broadening of national security issues’ spectrum along with an increase in the strictness of international competition driven by advances in high technologies and other factors. National security agenda is nowadays comprised not only of defense issues per se, but also includes economic, social, cultural and other aspects. All this is strongly influenced by the technological trends and the very possession of critical technologies has become a pressing national security issue. Thus, we are witnessing a gradual convergence of national security and technological agendas. Advocating a proactive approach to tackling national security risks of a technological nature, the authors make an attempt to outline the contemporary innovative methodology of assessing, harnessing and counteracting such risks. Their key recommendation lies in the appeal for joining the forces of theorists and practitioners in the field of both national security and science, technology and innovation (STI) policy to overcome the corresponding challenges
{"title":"A Contemporary Framework for National Security Related Technological Risks Minimisation","authors":"A. Chulok, D. Suslov, Evgeny Y. Moiseichev","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2584471","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2584471","url":null,"abstract":"Last several decades have shown a steady broadening of national security issues’ spectrum along with an increase in the strictness of international competition driven by advances in high technologies and other factors. National security agenda is nowadays comprised not only of defense issues per se, but also includes economic, social, cultural and other aspects. All this is strongly influenced by the technological trends and the very possession of critical technologies has become a pressing national security issue. Thus, we are witnessing a gradual convergence of national security and technological agendas. Advocating a proactive approach to tackling national security risks of a technological nature, the authors make an attempt to outline the contemporary innovative methodology of assessing, harnessing and counteracting such risks. Their key recommendation lies in the appeal for joining the forces of theorists and practitioners in the field of both national security and science, technology and innovation (STI) policy to overcome the corresponding challenges","PeriodicalId":296040,"journal":{"name":"IRPN: Political Science of Innovation (Topic)","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114735734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russian Abstract: В статье рассматриваются методологические аспекты инновационного процесса осуществления государственного управления регионом. English Abstract: The article deals with the methodological aspects of the innovation process of the public administration.
{"title":"Процесс Совершенствования Государственного Управления (The Improvement of Public Administration)","authors":"G. Morozova","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2612627","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2612627","url":null,"abstract":"Russian Abstract: В статье рассматриваются методологические аспекты инновационного процесса осуществления государственного управления регионом. English Abstract: The article deals with the methodological aspects of the innovation process of the public administration.","PeriodicalId":296040,"journal":{"name":"IRPN: Political Science of Innovation (Topic)","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134335887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Applying a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, we investigate whether Russian blogs represent an alternative public sphere distinct from web-based Russian government information sources and the mainstream media. Based on data collected over a one-year period (December 2010 through December 2011) from thousands of Russian political blogs and other media sources, we compare the cosine similarity of the text from blogs, mainstream media, major TV channels, and official government websites. We find that, when discussing a selected set of major political and news topics popular during the year, blogs are consistently the least similar to government sources compared to TV and the mainstream media. We also find that the text of mainstream media outlets in Russia (primarily traditional and web-native newspapers) are more similar to government sources than one would expect given the greater editorial and financial independence of those media outlets, at least compared to largely state-controlled national TV stations. We conclude that blogs provide an alternative public sphere: a space for civic discussion and organization that differs significantly from that provided by the mainstream media, TV, and government.
{"title":"Blogs as an Alternative Public Sphere: The Role of Blogs, Mainstream Media, and TV in Russia's Media Ecology","authors":"Bruce Etling, H. Roberts, Robert Faris","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2427932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2427932","url":null,"abstract":"Applying a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, we investigate whether Russian blogs represent an alternative public sphere distinct from web-based Russian government information sources and the mainstream media. Based on data collected over a one-year period (December 2010 through December 2011) from thousands of Russian political blogs and other media sources, we compare the cosine similarity of the text from blogs, mainstream media, major TV channels, and official government websites. We find that, when discussing a selected set of major political and news topics popular during the year, blogs are consistently the least similar to government sources compared to TV and the mainstream media. We also find that the text of mainstream media outlets in Russia (primarily traditional and web-native newspapers) are more similar to government sources than one would expect given the greater editorial and financial independence of those media outlets, at least compared to largely state-controlled national TV stations. We conclude that blogs provide an alternative public sphere: a space for civic discussion and organization that differs significantly from that provided by the mainstream media, TV, and government.","PeriodicalId":296040,"journal":{"name":"IRPN: Political Science of Innovation (Topic)","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130308922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The focus of this paper is on improving governance through the use of information and communication technology (ICT) in the delivery of services to the poor, i.e., improving efficiency, accountability, and transparency, and reducing bribery. A number of papers recognize the potential benefits but they also point out that it has not been easy to harness this potential. This paper presents an analysis of effective case studies from developing countries where the benefits have reached a large number of poor citizens. It also identifies the critical success factors for wide-scale deployment. The paper includes cases on the use of ICTs in the management of delivery of public services in health, education, and provision of subsidized food. Cases on electronic delivery of government services, such as providing certificates and licenses to rural populations, which in turn provide entitlements to the poor for subsidized food, fertilizer, and health services are also included. ICT-enabled provision of information to enhance rural income is also covered.
{"title":"Public Service Delivery: Role of Information and Communication Technology in Improving Governance and Development Impact","authors":"S. Bhatnagar","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2479689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2479689","url":null,"abstract":"The focus of this paper is on improving governance through the use of information and communication technology (ICT) in the delivery of services to the poor, i.e., improving efficiency, accountability, and transparency, and reducing bribery. A number of papers recognize the potential benefits but they also point out that it has not been easy to harness this potential. This paper presents an analysis of effective case studies from developing countries where the benefits have reached a large number of poor citizens. It also identifies the critical success factors for wide-scale deployment. The paper includes cases on the use of ICTs in the management of delivery of public services in health, education, and provision of subsidized food. Cases on electronic delivery of government services, such as providing certificates and licenses to rural populations, which in turn provide entitlements to the poor for subsidized food, fertilizer, and health services are also included. ICT-enabled provision of information to enhance rural income is also covered.","PeriodicalId":296040,"journal":{"name":"IRPN: Political Science of Innovation (Topic)","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131856902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Machine Based Gambling has become a major source of revenue to many states across the country that need the money but face obstacles to raising taxes within their jurisdiction. The figures are startling with the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania’s cut at over $1.456 Billion in 2011, which exceed the next closest state by $500 million. In addition, there are more than twice as many slot machines available to the public than ATMs. The benefits of machine based gaming has allowed many governments to revitalized tourism locations, make some Native Americans economically self-sufficient, and save horse and dog race tracks from closing as well as generating many good paying jobs. With such a large footprint in so many aspects of life, the decision to legalize machine based gaming provides policymakers with a good economic solution on many levels in spite of moral objections.While many people look at today’s slot machines and see the spinning reels as a mechanism for determining an outcome, the devices now offer the latest in technology that may select the result based on a random number generator, a players luck with the lottery, the results from Bingo, or assist in a Pull-tab game, depending on the jurisdiction. As such, this article examines the mixture of laws and regulations that reflect the historical debate surrounding gaming between legalization and prohibition across the country and those policies that permitted Native American tribes to offer such facilities. It traces the history of machine based games from both a historical and legal perspective as manufacturers and policymakers continue an age old cat and mouse game to offer and invent devices with the aid of technology that delivers an activity and entertainment experience that fits within the permissible regulations or codes of a given jurisdiction while maintaining the physical appearance of a slot machine. In taking these actions, the approval by regulators and the courts may offer compliance but may pose a conflict as to whether the lack of transparency in how the device operates creates a legally redressable claim.
{"title":"The Technological and Business Evolution of Machine Based Gambling in America","authors":"Darren A. Prum, C. McCrory","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2294467","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2294467","url":null,"abstract":"Machine Based Gambling has become a major source of revenue to many states across the country that need the money but face obstacles to raising taxes within their jurisdiction. The figures are startling with the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania’s cut at over $1.456 Billion in 2011, which exceed the next closest state by $500 million. In addition, there are more than twice as many slot machines available to the public than ATMs. The benefits of machine based gaming has allowed many governments to revitalized tourism locations, make some Native Americans economically self-sufficient, and save horse and dog race tracks from closing as well as generating many good paying jobs. With such a large footprint in so many aspects of life, the decision to legalize machine based gaming provides policymakers with a good economic solution on many levels in spite of moral objections.While many people look at today’s slot machines and see the spinning reels as a mechanism for determining an outcome, the devices now offer the latest in technology that may select the result based on a random number generator, a players luck with the lottery, the results from Bingo, or assist in a Pull-tab game, depending on the jurisdiction. As such, this article examines the mixture of laws and regulations that reflect the historical debate surrounding gaming between legalization and prohibition across the country and those policies that permitted Native American tribes to offer such facilities. It traces the history of machine based games from both a historical and legal perspective as manufacturers and policymakers continue an age old cat and mouse game to offer and invent devices with the aid of technology that delivers an activity and entertainment experience that fits within the permissible regulations or codes of a given jurisdiction while maintaining the physical appearance of a slot machine. In taking these actions, the approval by regulators and the courts may offer compliance but may pose a conflict as to whether the lack of transparency in how the device operates creates a legally redressable claim.","PeriodicalId":296040,"journal":{"name":"IRPN: Political Science of Innovation (Topic)","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128169481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While increasing public attention is being directed toward the use of data in the 2012 presidential campaign, particularly by Obama for America, congressional candidates’ use of data has largely avoided any type of public scrutiny. This lack of scrutiny is perhaps a symptom of both a media environment predominantly focused on presidential politics and a widely held belief that congressional campaigns lack the technology-savvy found at the presidential level. Whatever the cause, the research underpinning this thesis demonstrates that, while it would still likely be misguided to compare congressional campaigns’ data practices to those of Obama for America, the vast majority of congressional candidates opaquely used their official campaign websites to collect information about voters. This thesis argues for improved disclosure of political campaigns’ data practices with the intention of increasing public scrutiny. The analysis in this thesis focuses on the essential first step of the data-driven campaigning process: data collection. While the growing trove of literature on data-informed targeting processes, both from academia and the popular press, largely focuses on data’s role in providing campaigns with the ability to “microtarget” optimized messages to a small portion of the electorate, this thesis seeks to provide more clarity on the near-constant collection of voters’ personal data and explore the numerous implications of that essential first step in the process.
{"title":"The Need for Increased Transparency and Public Scrutiny in the World of Congressional Campaign Voter Data Collection","authors":"Andrew Young","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3165224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3165224","url":null,"abstract":"While increasing public attention is being directed toward the use of data in the 2012 presidential campaign, particularly by Obama for America, congressional candidates’ use of data has largely avoided any type of public scrutiny. This lack of scrutiny is perhaps a symptom of both a media environment predominantly focused on presidential politics and a widely held belief that congressional campaigns lack the technology-savvy found at the presidential level. Whatever the cause, the research underpinning this thesis demonstrates that, while it would still likely be misguided to compare congressional campaigns’ data practices to those of Obama for America, the vast majority of congressional candidates opaquely used their official campaign websites to collect information about voters. This thesis argues for improved disclosure of political campaigns’ data practices with the intention of increasing public scrutiny. The analysis in this thesis focuses on the essential first step of the data-driven campaigning process: data collection. While the growing trove of literature on data-informed targeting processes, both from academia and the popular press, largely focuses on data’s role in providing campaigns with the ability to “microtarget” optimized messages to a small portion of the electorate, this thesis seeks to provide more clarity on the near-constant collection of voters’ personal data and explore the numerous implications of that essential first step in the process.","PeriodicalId":296040,"journal":{"name":"IRPN: Political Science of Innovation (Topic)","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115329620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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