Pub Date : 2021-10-06DOI: 10.1163/9789004473294_007
B. Dooley, J. Raymond, Joop Koopman, M. V. Groesen, H. Helmers
In the last quarter of the seventeenth century, developments in both Europe and China changed the manner in which the Middle Kingdom was represented to Dutch readers.1 This chapter explores how newspapers and periodicals printed in the Dutch Republic during the final decades of the seventeenth century reported and discussed Confucius and the so-called Chinese Rites Controversy. In this regard, this chapter examines how changes in the Jesuit mission, combined with developments in production, distribution, and availability of printed media, produced an image of China and its religion and philosophy that was increasingly focused on the Chinese Rites Controversy and the condemnation of the Jesuit missionary approach. Furthermore, over the course of the seventeenth century, Dutch-made news became influenced more and more by French culture and language. These shifts impacted representations of China and Confucius, whereby Dutch printers, publishers, and booksellers produced and distributed a progressively Gallican image of the Middle Kingdom. The early modern culture of news has received considerable attention in recent years. Scholars like Brendan Dooley, Joad Raymond, Joop Koopman, and Paul Arblaster have all advocated an interpretation of news that focuses primarily on production and distribution.2 Their attention has concentrated on the emergence of the periodic press and the distribution of news through international networks of book producers, translators, merchants, missionaries, diplomats, and religious immigrants. Research in this field has also investigated the relationship between news and public opinion. For example, an approach towards news culture as part of the early modern book market has
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Pub Date : 2021-10-06DOI: 10.1163/9789004473294_004
In the second half of the seventeenth century the Dutch Republic became the indisputable centre of European book production.1 The remarkable political structure of the Dutch Republic, as well as the absence of an absolute state religion were fundamental for this economic potential. Religious and economic immigrants combined with native skill to provide the necessary manpower, professional skills, and (equally important) creativity to give the industry its defining boost.2 The relatively stable economic situation presented printers and publishers with the opportunity to sell their books ‘wherever there was a demand for them’.3 Dutch cultural and economic growth was an important impetus for innovation on the book market, and a number of business-savvy publishers saw the commercial potential of books on China. In addition to the mercantile and missionary perspective in reproducing and reassembling information, these Dutch publishers displayed a new strategy towards Chinese religion and philosophy: that of ‘cultural entrepreneur’. This term has recently been identified especially in economics and the social sciences, yet it has also been employed in the study of culture in the Dutch Golden Age. A widely used definition is given by Thomas Aageson:
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Pub Date : 2021-10-06DOI: 10.1163/9789004473294_006
In August 1687, the Nouvelles de la République des lettres was the first learned journal in Europe to announce the publication of Confucius Sinarum philosophus (1687). The advertisement for the book informed the reader that Philippe Couplet’s translation ‘can be found in Amsterdam at Henry Desbordes’, who, not coincidentally, also happened to be the publisher of the Nouvelles.1 Many journals followed with announcements and reviews of the Confucius translation. A month later, the Histoire des ouvrages & de la vie scavans published the first full review and, in December, the Bibliothèque universelle et historique discussed the work in depth.2 Evidently, the subject interested other European countries as well; in October, the Philosophical transactions of London paid considerable attention to the book, followed by Le journal des sçavans of Paris in January 1688. Leipzig’s Acta eruditorum, Monatsgespräche from Halle, and Parma’s Giornale de’letterati soon joined the ranks.3 In the panoply of books discussed by early modern erudite periodicals, Confucius Sinarum philosophus held a special place.4 The work was by no means an early modern ‘best-seller’, as it was never reprinted nor fully translated into even (for the time) the most obvious European languages such as French, German, or Dutch. However, the appearance of numerous reviews soon after publication suggests that the work nevertheless had a considerable impact on the learned European world. In fact, although erudite periodicals reviewed hundreds of publications each year, the Jesuit translation of Confucius was the only book published in 1687 that was discussed by every major journal. In this single act, the learned journals demonstrate clearly how Europe became increasingly preoccupied with China during the last quarter of the seventeenth century. These broadly available publications brought the Middle Kingdom to the fore as an intellectual phenomenon, in part because
1687年8月,《文学新刊》(Nouvelles de la r publiclique des letters)是欧洲第一个宣布《孔子学理》(1687)出版的学术期刊。这本书的广告告诉读者,菲利普·库普特的译本“可以在阿姆斯特丹的亨利·德斯博尔德(Henry Desbordes)找到”,而亨利·德斯博尔德(Henry Desbordes)也恰好是《新派》的出版商,这并非巧合。许多期刊随后发表了关于孔子译本的公告和评论。一个月后,《历史与生活》杂志发表了第一篇完整的评论,12月,《世界历史图书馆》深入讨论了这项工作显然,其他欧洲国家也对这个问题感兴趣;10月,伦敦的《哲学交易》对这本书给予了相当大的关注,1688年1月,巴黎的Le journal des savans也对这本书给予了相当大的关注。莱比锡的《博学学报》(Monatsgespräche)和帕尔马的《信函》(Giornale de’letterati)很快也加入了这一行列在近代早期的学术期刊论著中,《孔子学籍》占有特殊的地位这部作品绝不是早期现代的“畅销书”,因为它从未被重印,也没有被完全翻译成(当时)最明显的欧洲语言,如法语、德语或荷兰语。然而,出版后不久出现的大量评论表明,这部作品对欧洲学术界产生了相当大的影响。事实上,尽管博学的期刊每年都会对数百种出版物进行评论,但1687年出版的《孔子》的耶稣会译本是唯一一本被各大期刊讨论的书。在这一幕中,学术期刊清楚地表明,在17世纪的最后25年,欧洲是如何越来越关注中国的。这些广为流传的出版物将中央王国作为一种知识现象带到了前台,部分原因是
{"title":"Confucius in Dutch-Made Learned Journals","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004473294_006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004473294_006","url":null,"abstract":"In August 1687, the Nouvelles de la République des lettres was the first learned journal in Europe to announce the publication of Confucius Sinarum philosophus (1687). The advertisement for the book informed the reader that Philippe Couplet’s translation ‘can be found in Amsterdam at Henry Desbordes’, who, not coincidentally, also happened to be the publisher of the Nouvelles.1 Many journals followed with announcements and reviews of the Confucius translation. A month later, the Histoire des ouvrages & de la vie scavans published the first full review and, in December, the Bibliothèque universelle et historique discussed the work in depth.2 Evidently, the subject interested other European countries as well; in October, the Philosophical transactions of London paid considerable attention to the book, followed by Le journal des sçavans of Paris in January 1688. Leipzig’s Acta eruditorum, Monatsgespräche from Halle, and Parma’s Giornale de’letterati soon joined the ranks.3 In the panoply of books discussed by early modern erudite periodicals, Confucius Sinarum philosophus held a special place.4 The work was by no means an early modern ‘best-seller’, as it was never reprinted nor fully translated into even (for the time) the most obvious European languages such as French, German, or Dutch. However, the appearance of numerous reviews soon after publication suggests that the work nevertheless had a considerable impact on the learned European world. In fact, although erudite periodicals reviewed hundreds of publications each year, the Jesuit translation of Confucius was the only book published in 1687 that was discussed by every major journal. In this single act, the learned journals demonstrate clearly how Europe became increasingly preoccupied with China during the last quarter of the seventeenth century. These broadly available publications brought the Middle Kingdom to the fore as an intellectual phenomenon, in part because","PeriodicalId":297716,"journal":{"name":"Printing and Publishing Chinese Religion and Philosophy in the Dutch Republic, 1595–1700","volume":"10 6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123799059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-06DOI: 10.1163/9789004473294_005
By the third quarter of the seventeenth century, the Society of Jesus directly or indirectly dominated the Dutch debate on China in print. Jesuits like Nicolas Trigault and Martino Martini provided many of the eyewitness accounts that were adopted by Dutch authors, translators, and publishers. They, in turn, constructed narratives on the Middle Kingdom that shaped and disseminated images of Chinese religion and philosophy. The Dutch did this by producing printed works of exceptional quality and by utilising their extensive networks of distribution; significantly in this respect, their content was largely free from censure by Church and State. This proliferation of Jesuit accounts had profound implications for the religious and cultural representation of China. In fact, Jesuit publications were instrumental in making Confucius the main protagonist of Europe’s interactions with Asian philosophy: simply consider the fact that ‘Confucius’ is the Jesuit Latinisation of the Chinese title of Kong Fuzi 孔夫子, literally ‘Master Kong’.1 Thus, other potential representations of China, such as Buddhism and Taoism, were generally rejected as the Jesuits were of the opinion that only the ethical and social doctrine of Confucius should be complemented with the metaphysical ideas of Christianity.2 Confucius had become the focal point of the Jesuit missionary policy since they believed that China could only be converted to Christianity from within. After earlier attempts at posing as simple monks from the West, catering only to the lower classes, they began to accommodate the ruling classes who embraced Confucianism as their cultural and intellectual standard. The Jesuits also incorporated local cultural and philosophical traditions into their preaching of Christianity to justify the supposed compatibilities between Chinese and Christian concepts.3 Consequently, they tried to identify the essential
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Pub Date : 2021-10-06DOI: 10.1163/9789004473294_003
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