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South China Sea: Battle of the Diplomatic Notes among China and Non-Claimant States 南海:中国与非声索国的外交照会之战
IF 0.2 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-16 DOI: 10.1163/24519391-08010007
N. H. Thao
The South China Sea disputes are becoming increasingly tense with more and more countries expressing their views on legal issues and actions of claimant Statess in the South China Sea. In December 2019, Malaysia deposited a partial submission to the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf to establish the limits of its extended continental shelf beyond 200 nautical miles in the northern part of the South China Sea. The submission sparked a new legal battle of diplomatic notes with the participation of South China Sea coastal States which can also be regarded as claimant States in the contet of the South China Sea disputes (Brunei, China, Malaysia, the Philippines and Viet Nam) as well as non-claimant States (Australia, France, Germany, Indonesia, Japan, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States). Following the article “South China Sea: New Battle of the Diplomatic Notes among claimants in 2019–2021” published in the Asia-Pacific Journal of Ocean Law and Policy 6 (2021), this paper provides an analysis of the exchange of diplomatic notes between China and non-claimant States with the aim of understanding the impact of these exchanges on the prospect for the peaceful settlement of the maritime disputes in the South China Sea.
南海争端日趋紧张,越来越多的国家对南海法律问题和声索国的行动发表了自己的看法。2019年12月,马来西亚向联合国大陆架界限委员会提交部分意见书,要求在南中国海北部划定200海里以外的延伸大陆架界限。该意见书引发了一场新的外交照会法律战,南中国海沿岸国也可以被视为南中国海争端的声索国(文莱、中国、马来西亚、菲律宾和越南)以及非声索国(澳大利亚、法国、德国、印度尼西亚、日本、新西兰、联合王国和美国)参与了这场法律战。继《亚太海洋法律与政策杂志》2021年第6期发表的文章《南海:2019-2021年声索国外交照会的新战役》之后,本文分析了中国与非声索国之间的外交照会交换,旨在了解这些交换对和平解决南海海洋争端前景的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Canada 加拿大
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-16 DOI: 10.1163/24519391-08010009
J.J.P. Smith
Abstract With the question of sovereignty over Hans Island settled between Canada and Denmark, all territorial claims among Arctic states have been resolved. The 2022 agreement between the two states is discussed in the context of their cooperation in oceans matters, including a contemporaneous minor adjustment of a 1972 seabed boundary and coordinated extended continental shelf claims. The provision for the access of indigenous Inuit people to Hans Island is considered. The 2022 agreement as an exemplar of acting in mutual interest toward resolving a maritime territorial dispute is reviewed.
随着加拿大和丹麦之间关于汉斯岛的主权问题的解决,北极国家之间的所有领土要求都得到了解决。两国之间的2022年协议是在两国海洋事务合作的背景下讨论的,包括对1972年海底边界的同期小幅调整和协调扩大大陆架的主张。审议了允许土著因纽特人进入汉斯岛的规定。本文回顾了2022年协议作为解决海上领土争端的共同利益的典范。
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引用次数: 0
A New wto Protocol on Fisheries Subsidies: Potential Implications for the South China Sea Disputes wto关于渔业补贴的新议定书:对南海争端的潜在影响
IF 0.2 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-16 DOI: 10.1163/24519391-08010005
J. Espenilla
For close to two decades, wto member countries have discussed the possibility of disciplining the practice of subsidizing fishing activities. Concrete progress has been made as there is now a consensus on eliminating certain forms of fisheries subsidies that contribute towards overcapacity, overfishing and illegal unreported and unregulated fishing. In June 2022, at the end of 12th Ministerial Conference in Geneva, Switzerland, the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies (afs) was finally adopted. Against this backdrop, this paper will attempt to investigate the role that the afs might play in arresting the collapse of global fish stocks. Part i provides a brief background on the state of global fisheries and the role of subsidies in their depletion. Part ii discusses the key features of and contentious issues in the afs. Finally, Part iii considers the potential implications of the afs on disputed waters such as the South China Sea.
近二十年来,世贸组织成员国一直在讨论对捕鱼活动补贴做法进行规范的可能性。已经取得了具体进展,因为现在已经就取消某些形式的渔业补贴达成共识,这些补贴助长了产能过剩、过度捕捞以及非法、未报告和无管制的捕捞。2022年6月,在瑞士日内瓦举行的第12届部长级会议结束时,《渔业补贴协定》最终获得通过。在此背景下,本文将试图调查afs在阻止全球鱼类种群崩溃方面可能发挥的作用。第一部分简要介绍了全球渔业状况以及补贴在其枯竭中的作用。第二部分讨论了afs的主要特征和争议问题。最后,第三部分考虑了afs对南海等争议水域的潜在影响。
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引用次数: 0
Removing Carbon Dioxide through Offshore ccs and Seaweed Cultivation in China: A Legal Perspective 从法律角度看,中国近海碳捕集与海藻养殖对二氧化碳的去除作用
IF 0.2 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/24519391-07020011
Keyuan Zou, Lei Zhang
China has pledged to achieve carbon peaking by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2060. To achieve these goals, a significant reduction in carbon dioxide (co2) emissions is required and thus ocean-based carbon dioxide removal (cdr) technologies are needed. This article explores the legal issues of two ocean cdr approaches, i.e. offshore carbon dioxide storage (ccs) and seaweed cultivation under the legal regimes for both climate change and oceans. Although there are no specific Chinese laws and regulations governing the offshore ccs or seaweed cultivation for carbon removal in place, some relevant existing environmental and other laws and regulations are applicable to such activities.
中国承诺到2030年达到碳排放峰值,到2060年实现碳中和。为了实现这些目标,需要大幅减少二氧化碳(co2)排放,因此需要基于海洋的二氧化碳去除技术。本文探讨了两种海洋cdr方法的法律问题,即在气候变化和海洋法律制度下的海上二氧化碳储存(ccs)和海藻种植。虽然中国对近海ccs或海藻养殖除碳没有具体的法律法规,但现有的一些相关环境和其他法律法规适用于此类活动。
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引用次数: 0
The Effect of the Judicial Decision of unclos Tribunals on the clcs Procedure: The Case of the South China Sea Dispute 联合国海洋法委员会仲裁庭的司法裁决对仲裁程序的影响——以南海争端为例
IF 0.2 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/24519391-07020004
M. Seta
Asia-Pacific States have recourse to the dispute settlement system provided in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (unclos) and rely on the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (clcs) to delineate the extended continental shelf. unclos tribunals are responsible for delimitating maritime zones, and the clcs for delineating the outer limits of the continental shelf. However, the work of the clcs has been suspended at times, owing to other States’ objections. This article investigates the 2019 Malaysian submission to the clcs by reviewing the precedents and existing literature. This submission has become a contentious issue, because of diplomatic note verbales submitted by, among others, China. This article argues that the clcs should handle the Malaysian submission on the premise that the Malaysia–China dispute over the so-called “nine-dash line” can be regarded as resolved, based on a 2016 Arbitral Tribunal decision under Annex vii.
亚太国家可以求助于《联合国海洋法公约》规定的争端解决制度,并依靠大陆架界限委员会划定扩展的大陆架。联合国海洋法委员会法庭负责划定海洋区域,大陆架委员会负责划定大陆架外部界限。然而,由于其他国家的反对,委员会的工作有时被暂停。本文通过回顾先例和现有文献,调查了2019年马来西亚提交给clcs的案件。由于中国等国提交的外交普通照会,该划界案已成为一个有争议的问题。本文认为,根据2016年仲裁庭根据附件七作出的裁决,中马关于所谓“九段线”的争端可以被视为已解决,中马仲裁委员会应在这样的前提下处理马来西亚的划界案。
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引用次数: 0
Claims to Straight Baselines in the Asia-Pacific: Contrary to Customary International Law? 亚太地区的直线基线主张:违反习惯国际法?
IF 0.2 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/24519391-07020010
C. Schofield, R. Poll
This article examines the straight baseline claims that have been made by coastal States in the Asia-Pacific region in light of the International Court of Justice’s ruling regarding Nicaragua’s straight baselines in the Caribbean Sea. Uncertainties over the relevant provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea are discussed before straight baseline claims made in the Asia-Pacific region are outlined with particular note made of Malaysia’s June 2022 clarification of its baselines claims through publication of the geographical coordinates of the base points concerned. The findings of the International Court of Justice concerning Nicaragua’s straight baselines are then discussed. This leads to the conclusion that the majority of State practice relating to straight baselines in the Asia-Pacific region would be deemed as contrary to customary international law were they to be assessed against the standard set by the Court in that case.
本文根据国际法院关于尼加拉瓜在加勒比海的直线基线的裁决,审查了亚太地区沿海国家提出的直线基线要求。讨论了《联合国海洋法公约》相关条款的不确定性,然后概述了在亚太地区提出的直线基线主张,特别注意到马来西亚于2022年6月通过公布有关基点的地理坐标澄清了其基线主张。然后讨论国际法院关于尼加拉瓜直线基线的调查结果。由此得出的结论是,如果根据该法院在该案件中制定的标准来评价亚太区域有关直线基线的大多数国家做法,将被视为违反习惯国际法。
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引用次数: 0
The Uncertain Status of the Korea-Japan Joint Development Agreement of the Continental Shelf and Its Prospects 韩日大陆架共同开发协定的不确定性及其前景
IF 0.2 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/24519391-07020003
Suksoo Kim
As the expiration date of the Japan-Korea joint development of the continental shelf in the East China Sea comes closer, the joint development agreement is becoming a hot issue between Korea and Japan. The Joint Development Zone (jdz), established under the joint development agreement, is set to expire in 2028 unless the two countries agree otherwise. Despite not having any commercially significant discovery of oil and gas in the jdz, it has served as a provisional arrangement to manage peacefully the disputed continental shelf in the tri-junction where China also claims jurisdiction. Given its significant role in the peaceful management of overlapping marine resources and jurisdiction claims over decades, the two countries need to engage in negotiations to come up with a solution to the pending issues concerning the development of the jdz. The jdz area has the potential to become a flashpoint of conflicts in the strained relations between the two countries, if the agreement expires without any provisional or permanent arrangements.
随着日韩共同开发东海大陆架的到期日越来越近,共同开发协定正成为韩日之间的热点问题。根据联合开发协议建立的联合开发区(jdz)将于2028年到期,除非两国另有协议。尽管在jdz没有发现任何具有商业意义的石油和天然气,但它已成为和平管理三交界处有争议大陆架的临时安排,中国也声称对该大陆架拥有管辖权。鉴于几十年来它在和平管理重叠的海洋资源和管辖权主张方面发挥了重要作用,两国需要进行谈判,以解决与开发jdz有关的悬而未决的问题。如果协议在没有任何临时或永久安排的情况下到期,jdz地区有可能成为两国紧张关系中冲突的爆发点。
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引用次数: 0
Article 51 of unclos at 40: Military Training as Other Legitimate Activities? 《联合国海洋法公约》第51条:军事训练是其他合法活动吗?
IF 0.2 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/24519391-07020005
Arron N. Honniball, A. R. Darmawan
Article 51 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (unclos) governs the legitimate activities of an immediately adjacent neighbouring state within certain areas of an archipelagic state’s archipelagic waters, utilising open-textured terms and subsequent bilateral agreements to balance states’ interests. In the context of both the signing of the 2022 Expanded Framework Agreements between Indonesia and Singapore and the 40-year anniversary of the adoption of unclos, this article examines the interpretation and application of Article 51 in respect of military training activities. This analysis demonstrates that the purposively ambiguous wording of the exceptional ‘Singapore Clause’ is best understood in the light of Singaporean and Indonesian negotiation crafting, as well as their subsequent implementation efforts (1995–2022). On military training activities, the states have consistently sought to conclude bilateral arrangements which align with the object and purposes of an Article 51 bilateral agreement in all but name.
《联合国海洋法公约》第51条规定了紧邻邻国在群岛国群岛水域某些区域内的合法活动,利用开放的条款和随后的双边协议来平衡各国的利益。在印度尼西亚和新加坡签署2022年扩大框架协议以及《联合国宪章》通过40周年的背景下,本文探讨了第五十一条在军事训练活动方面的解释和适用。这一分析表明,根据新加坡和印度尼西亚的谈判制定以及随后的实施工作(1995-2022),可以更好地理解特殊“新加坡条款”的目的模糊措辞。在军事训练活动方面,各国一直寻求达成符合第51条双边协议目标和宗旨的双边安排,但名义上除外。
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引用次数: 0
Regime Creation for the South China Sea Dispute: the Feasibility of the Creation of the South China Sea Council 南海争端的机制构建:建立南海理事会的可行性
IF 0.2 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/24519391-07020002
Youngho Seo
This article explores the feasibility of creating a regime for the benefit of managing and resolving the South China Sea dispute in accordance with an analysis of a strand of thought in political science (institutional liberalism). The South China Sea is closer to a non-regime situation; however, the relevant circumstance of the region is ripe enough to discuss regime creation. This article shows how regime creation is feasible and beneficial to the claimants, not least China (the most important player), as opposed to the conventional wisdom among Chinese elites regarding the danger of the internationalization of the dispute. The establishment of a soft-law maritime regime (the “South China Sea Council”) and its operational particularity are suggested with reference to the Arctic Council.
本文通过对政治学中的一种思想(制度自由主义)的分析,探讨了建立一个有利于管理和解决南海争端的制度的可行性。南中国海更接近于无政权状态;然而,该地区的相关情况已经成熟,可以讨论建立政权的问题。这篇文章展示了建立政权是如何可行的,对索赔人有利,尤其是中国(最重要的参与者),而不是中国精英们关于争端国际化危险的传统看法。参照北极理事会,提出了建立软法海洋制度(“南海理事会”)及其运作的特殊性。
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引用次数: 0
Balancing Navigational Rights of Ships and Maritime Security of Coastal States: The Case of Designating Archipelagic Sea Lanes of Indonesia and the Philippines 平衡船舶航行权和沿海国的海上安全:以指定印度尼西亚和菲律宾的群岛海道为例
IF 0.2 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/24519391-07020006
Pham Ngoc Minh Trang
40 years after the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (unclos), the regime related to the navigation of ships in archipelagic waters has remained underdeveloped. It is due to the paucity of practices of archipelagic states establishing archipelagic sea lanes (asl s) as well as adopting national laws and regulations concerning such passage.In the Southeast Asian region, Indonesia and the Philippines are the two archipelagic states, and they actively contributed in the development of the archipelagic regime during the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Nonetheless, they have not fully designated a system of asl s. This situation led to several contentious incidents at sea, particularly related to the passage of warships in archipelagic waters, between the two countries and other user states.This article will analyse the practices of Indonesia and the Philippines in establishing asl s and their concomitant consequences. Particularly, it focuses on the attempt to harmonize the domestic legal systems of these two countries with international rules and regulations prescribed in unclos, and their subsequent practices at the International Maritime Organization (imo). This article is a reflection of the archipelagic states regime of unclos after 40 years of adoption.
在《联合国海洋法公约》(《海洋法公约》)通过40年后,有关船只在群岛水域航行的制度仍然不发达。这是由于群岛国没有建立群岛海上通道的做法,也没有通过有关这种通道的国家法律和条例。在东南亚区域,印度尼西亚和菲律宾是两个群岛国,它们在第三次联合国海洋法会议期间对群岛制度的发展作出了积极贡献。尽管如此,他们还没有完全指定一个asl系统。这种情况导致两国和其他使用国之间在海上发生几起有争议的事件,特别是有关军舰在群岛水域通行的事件。本文将分析印度尼西亚和菲律宾建立法律援助的做法及其后果。它特别着重于使这两个国家的国内法律制度与《联合国海洋法公约》规定的国际规则和条例以及它们随后在国际海事组织(海事组织)的做法相协调的努力。这一条款是《联合国海洋法公约》通过40年后群岛国制度的反映。
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引用次数: 0
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Asia-Pacific Journal of Ocean Law and Policy
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