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Why Study the Early American Women’s Rights Movement? 为什么要研究早期的美国女权运动?
Pub Date : 2019-12-19 DOI: 10.18422/68-02
Hélène Quanquin
Historians have been playing a central part in explaining Trump’s America. From the Muslim travel ban and debates over Confederate monuments, to migrant children being taken away from their families, parallels with past policies and practices such as the separation of enslaved families in the antebellum South and Japanese American internment camps during World War II are drawn in traditional and social media. What has been interpreted as Americans’ inability to come to terms with their past has also made historians’ intervention in the public debate, helped by social media, more visible in recent years for both political and economic reasons.
历史学家在解释特朗普的美国方面一直发挥着核心作用。从穆斯林旅行禁令和关于邦联纪念碑的辩论,到移民儿童被带离家人,传统媒体和社交媒体都把这些与过去的政策和做法进行了比较,比如南北战争前南方和二战期间日裔美国人拘留营中被奴役的家庭被分离。近年来,由于政治和经济原因,历史学家在社交媒体的帮助下对公共辩论的干预变得更加明显,这被解读为美国人无法接受自己的过去。
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引用次数: 1
Research in a Minefield: Relating with Tea Party Activists 雷区研究:与茶党积极分子的关系
Pub Date : 2019-12-19 DOI: 10.18422/68-05
Marion Douzou
Based on a doctoral research project on Tea Party groups in Pennsylvania, this article deals both with the various pitfalls I had to learn to avoid and the significant impact that being a young, white French woman had on the way activists interacted with me. In addition, I reflect upon the general ramifications of studying a right-wing social movement while not aligning with it politically. The automatic distance—and presumed ensuing objectivity that this viewpoint initially seems to afford—is much more fragile and complicated than apparent at first glance.
这篇文章基于一个关于宾夕法尼亚州茶党团体的博士研究项目,讨论了我必须学会避免的各种陷阱,以及作为一名年轻的法国白人女性对活动家与我互动的方式产生的重大影响。此外,我还反思了在政治上不与右翼社会运动结盟的情况下研究右翼社会运动的一般后果。这种自动的距离——以及这种观点最初似乎提供的假定的客观性——比乍一看要脆弱和复杂得多。
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引用次数: 0
Contributors’ Biographical Notes 投稿人简历
Pub Date : 2019-12-19 DOI: 10.18422/68-10
Sandrine Baudry, G. Marche, Céline Planchou
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引用次数: 0
In and Beyond the Field: Researching Black Lives Matter from France 在田野内外:研究黑人的生命很重要,法国
Pub Date : 2019-12-19 DOI: 10.18422/68-06
Audrey Celestine and Nicolas Martin-Breteau
To talk publicly about race remains taboo in France. Since its origins in the late eighteenth century, the French Republic has grounded its political identity on the theoretical equality of all its citizens, regardless of their origins. In practice, this “universalist” ideology tends to deny and neglect blatant racial inequalities among French citizens. Unlike in the United States in recent years, there has been no public discussion about whether France has turned “post-racial” since most white French people consider that their country never entered any sort of “racial era” to begin with. In fact, the French academic world is one of the few arenas in which debates over the issue of race have been accepted and sometimes encouraged.
公开谈论种族问题在法国仍然是禁忌。自18世纪末成立以来,法兰西共和国的政治身份一直以所有公民的理论平等为基础,无论其出身如何。在实践中,这种“普遍主义”意识形态倾向于否认和忽视法国公民之间公然的种族不平等。与近年来的美国不同,由于大多数法国白人认为他们的国家从一开始就没有进入过任何形式的“种族时代”,因此没有公开讨论法国是否已经变成了“后种族时代”。事实上,法国学术界是少数几个关于种族问题的辩论被接受、有时被鼓励的领域之一。
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引用次数: 2
Discussion Forum: Authors’ Responses 论坛讨论:作者的回应
Pub Date : 2019-12-19 DOI: 10.18422/68-09
Sandrine Baudry, G. Marche, Céline Planchou
The Discussion Forum offers the responses of Hélène Quanquin, Claire Delahaye, Marie Gayte, Marion Douzou, Audrey Célestine, Nicolas Martin-Breteau, and Charlotte Thomas-Hébert to the individual papers published in this issue.
讨论论坛提供了Hélène Quanquin、Claire Delahaye、Marie Gayte、Marion Douzou、Audrey Célestine、Nicolas Martin Breteau和Charlotte Thomas-Hébert对本期发表的个别论文的回应。
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引用次数: 0
Conducting Sensitive Research as an Alien Ethnographer in the United States 在美国作为一名外国民族志工作者进行敏感研究
Pub Date : 2019-12-19 DOI: 10.18422/68-07
Charlotte Thomas-Hébert
As a French PhD student, my work focuses on democratic deficits in the United States and explores the evolution of the American Left since 2001. Adopting methodological tools provided by ethnography, I am investigating how activist groups are using civil disobedience and non-violent direct action under the current legal, judicial, and police constraints specific to the post-9/11 era. My research is contingent on structural shifts occurring on the macro-political level, such as a changes in the federal government. But as the incident related above demonstrates, my own status as a foreign ethnographer is also a factor, since I can neither escape nor disentangle myself from my identity. The aim of this reflexive article is to discuss how, within a broader context of state repression and surveillance, my “double condition of alienage” (alien as a non-citizen and alien as an insider/outsider researcher amongst activist groups), is affecting not only how I am conducting my fieldwork, but is also shaping my object of study.
作为一名法国博士生,我的工作重点关注美国的民主赤字,并探索自2001年以来美国左翼的演变。我采用民族志提供的方法论工具,调查在当前的法律、司法和警察限制下,活动家团体如何利用公民抗命和非暴力直接行动,这是后9/11时代特有的。我的研究取决于宏观政治层面上发生的结构变化,比如联邦政府的变化。但正如上述事件所表明的那样,我作为一名外国民族志学家的身份也是一个因素,因为我既无法逃离也无法摆脱自己的身份。这篇反思性文章的目的是讨论,在国家镇压和监视的更广泛背景下,我的“双重移民条件”(作为非公民的外国人和作为活动家团体内部/外部研究员的外国人)如何不仅影响我如何进行实地调查,而且影响我的研究对象。
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引用次数: 0
“The Moral Equivalent of Rosa Parks?” The New Christian Right’s Framing Strategy in the Latest Chapter of the Culture Wars “道德上的罗莎·帕克斯?”新基督教右翼在文化战争最新篇章中的框架策略
Pub Date : 2019-12-19 DOI: 10.18422/68-04
M. Gayte
In evaluating recent developments in the New Christian Right (NCR), this paper uses the social movement theory approach of framing. Social movement organizations try to gain advantages with authorities and the public by framing their demands in ways intended to persuade people that their cause is valid. The most effective way of doing this is to align their specific issues rhetorically with larger cultural themes and values, which makes the frame accessible to larger audiences. After debating as to whether a conservative religious crusade can be considered a social movement, this paper examines the NCR as a collective movement whose influence on society and capacity to mobilize are heightened by resorting to the ‘discriminated minority’ framing strategy. I argue that viewing the NCR as a social movement allows us to deepen our understanding of both religious conservatism and of the culture wars.
在评价新基督教右翼(NCR)的最新发展时,本文采用了社会运动理论的框架方法。社会运动组织试图通过制定他们的要求来说服人们他们的事业是有效的,从而与当局和公众取得优势。做到这一点最有效的方法是将他们的具体问题与更大的文化主题和价值观在修辞上保持一致,从而使框架能够为更多的观众所接受。在讨论了保守派宗教十字军东征是否可以被视为一场社会运动之后,本文将NCR视为一种集体运动,其对社会的影响和动员能力通过诉诸“受歧视的少数群体”框架策略而得到加强。我认为,将NCR视为一场社会运动,可以加深我们对宗教保守主义和文化战争的理解。
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引用次数: 1
Marrying Anthropocentrism to Ecocentrism: The Rising Voices of Dissent in American Environmentalism 将人类中心主义与生态中心主义结合:美国环境保护主义中日益高涨的异议之声
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.18422/66-01
M. Bakari
In light of multiple significant incidents in its contemporary history, the American environmental movement (EM) seems to be at a crossroads as the national consensus on this movement—forged during the 1970s—starts to crack under the strain of rising challenges. Communities most adversely affected by environmental hazards—usually referred to as communities of color and labor—now seem to be estranged from and ignored by a mostly ecocentric movement they can hardly identify with. Against such a backdrop,I examine the emergence of new dissenting ‘anthropocentric’ voices within the American EM—most notably the Environmental Justice Movement (EJM)—and discuss the multiple facets of the anthropocentric-ecocentric divide and its bearing on the evolution of the movement. I will further analyze whether the emerging sustainability discourse will be able to contain this ideological divide and offer a reconciliation framework for a harmonization of these movements’ objectives, policies, and modes of activism.
鉴于当代历史上发生的多起重大事件,美国环境运动(EM)似乎正处于一个十字路口,因为在不断上升的挑战压力下,20世纪70年代形成的全国共识开始破裂。受环境危害影响最严重的社区——通常被称为有色人种和劳工社区——现在似乎与一场他们几乎无法认同的以生态为中心的运动疏远和忽视了。在这样的背景下,我研究了美国新兴市场中出现的新的反对“人类中心主义”的声音——最著名的是环境正义运动(EJM)——并讨论了人类中心主义与生态中心主义分歧的多个方面及其对运动演变的影响。我将进一步分析新兴的可持续性话语是否能够遏制这种意识形态的分歧,并为这些运动的目标、政策和行动主义模式的协调提供一个和解框架。
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引用次数: 3
Contributors 贡献者
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.18422/67-09
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引用次数: 0
F.B. EYES: How J. Edgar Hoover's Ghostreaders Framed African American Literature F.B. EYES: j·埃德加·胡佛的“鬼读者”如何框定了非裔美国文学
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1093/JAHIST/JAW289
Jared Leighton
F.B. EYES: How J. Edgar Hoover's Ghostreaders Framed African American Literature. By William J. Maxwell. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 2015.In F.B. Eyes, William J. Maxwell sets out to analyze the relationship between the Federal Bureau of Investigation and African American writers over the span of more than five decades. Maxwell does an excellent job in thoroughly exploring FBI investigations of black writers and this unique writer-critic interplay.Maxwell has organized his book into five chapters, each of which sets out to prove a thesis. Thesis 1 argues that the birth of the bureau and Hoover ensured the FBI's attention to African American literature. Maxwell looks to Hoover's racial background, with speculation on his black lineage, as well as his formative years in a racially exclusive environment. He then examines the coincident birth of the Harlem Renaissance and the creation of the FBI and Hoover's efforts to compile and index writing by New Negroes, searching their publications for evidence of radicalism and sedition. Thesis 2 builds on this point by arguing that the FBI's collection and analysis of black literature was important to the bureau's evolution under Hoover's leadership. Maxwell discusses the height of the investigation of black writers during World War II and how FBI agents imitated black radical writing-engaging in a form of minstrelsy-during the Counter Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) era (1956-1971).Thesis 3 contends that the bureau is the most important forgotten critic of African American literature and examines the life and work of two FBI critic-spies, Robert Adger Bowen and William C. Sullivan. Maxwell shows how the bureau adopted New Critical reading, searching for multiple meanings and hidden assumptions in black literature, believing that it was meant to teach and convert its audience to radical activism. Thesis 4 turns its attention to FBI investigations of black writers in exile, translations of foreignlanguage material, and attempts to direct and restrict travel, arguing that Hoover's agents were important in defining the Black Atlantic in the twentieth century. Finally, Thesis 5 looks at how black writers responded and asserts that their consciousness of bureau ghostreading created an important vein in African American literature. Maxwell discusses a number of authors, including Richard Wright and Ralph Ellison, analyzing how the bureau and state surveillance were treated in their works. …
F.B. EYES: j·埃德加·胡佛的“鬼读者”如何框定了非裔美国文学。威廉·j·麦克斯韦著。普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2015。在《fbi之眼》一书中,威廉·j·麦克斯韦(William J. Maxwell)着手分析了50多年来联邦调查局与非裔美国作家之间的关系。麦克斯韦在深入探讨联邦调查局对黑人作家的调查以及这种独特的作家与评论家之间的相互作用方面做得非常出色。麦克斯韦把他的书分成五章,每章都是为了证明一个论点。论文一认为FBI和胡佛的诞生确保了FBI对非裔美国人文学的关注。麦克斯韦尔着眼于胡佛的种族背景,推测他的黑人血统,以及他在一个种族排外的环境中成长的岁月。然后,他研究了哈莱姆文艺复兴运动的诞生与联邦调查局的成立,以及胡佛为新黑人的作品编纂和索引所做的努力,他在新黑人的出版物中寻找激进主义和煽动叛乱的证据。论文二以这一点为基础,论证联邦调查局对黑人文学的收集和分析对胡佛领导下联邦调查局的发展至关重要。麦克斯韦尔讨论了二战期间对黑人作家调查的高度,以及在反情报计划(1956-1971)时期,联邦调查局特工如何模仿黑人激进写作——以一种诗歌的形式参与其中。论文3认为FBI是最重要的被遗忘的非裔美国文学批评家,并考察了两位FBI批评家间谍Robert Adger Bowen和William C. Sullivan的生活和工作。麦克斯韦展示了该局如何采用新批评阅读,在黑人文学中寻找多重意义和隐藏的假设,相信它的目的是教导和转变读者的激进主义。论文4将注意力转向联邦调查局对流亡黑人作家的调查、外文材料的翻译,以及指导和限制旅行的企图,认为胡佛的特工在定义20世纪的黑人大西洋方面发挥了重要作用。最后,论文5着眼于黑人作家是如何回应的,并断言他们对办公室幽灵阅读的意识在非裔美国文学中创造了一个重要的脉络。麦克斯韦尔讨论了包括理查德·赖特(Richard Wright)和拉尔夫·埃里森(Ralph Ellison)在内的许多作家,分析了他们的作品中如何对待联邦调查局和国家监控。…
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