Pub Date : 2023-03-17DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.116576
Hamoon Khelghat-Doost
Following the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the subsequent formation of the Islamic Republic, the Islamization of Iran’s foreign policy has arguably become the newly established state’s primary agenda on the international arena. In accordance with Islamic thoughts on international relations, the Islamic Republic’s foreign policy was constructed on the concept of Islamic supra-nationalism - which places its emphasis on the unity of the global Muslim community (Ummah). Arguably, this supra-nationalist doctrine is incompatible with the current political world order which is based on the concept of the Westphalian nation-state. This incompatibility exists on three levels; firstly, Islam places its emphasis on ideological boundaries rather than political borders and therefore rejects the idea of nationalist states. Secondly, Islam denies current sources of legitimacy with regard to international laws and regulations, and finally, Islam calls for the elimination of cultural, ethnic and geographical boundaries among Muslims in order to unite Muslim communities in a new power bloc within the current political world order. This paper firstly identifies the differences between Islamic supra-nationalism and the doctrine of Westphalian sovereignty. Secondly, by emphasizing on the concept of maslahat (expediency) and by using several examples; this paper also provides explanations on how the foreign policy of Iran decides which path to take at the crossroad of supra-nationalism and sovereignty.
{"title":"FOREIGN PÓLICY OF POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN: EXPEDIENCY AT THE CROSSROAD OF SUPRA-NATIONALISM AND SOVEREIGNTY","authors":"Hamoon Khelghat-Doost","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.116576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.116576","url":null,"abstract":"Following the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the subsequent formation of the Islamic Republic, the Islamization of Iran’s foreign policy has arguably become the newly established state’s primary agenda on the international arena. In accordance with Islamic thoughts on international relations, the Islamic Republic’s foreign policy was constructed on the concept of Islamic supra-nationalism - which places its emphasis on the unity of the global Muslim community (Ummah). Arguably, this supra-nationalist doctrine is incompatible with the current political world order which is based on the concept of the Westphalian nation-state. This incompatibility exists on three levels; firstly, Islam places its emphasis on ideological boundaries rather than political borders and therefore rejects the idea of nationalist states. Secondly, Islam denies current sources of legitimacy with regard to international laws and regulations, and finally, Islam calls for the elimination of cultural, ethnic and geographical boundaries among Muslims in order to unite Muslim communities in a new power bloc within the current political world order. This paper firstly identifies the differences between Islamic supra-nationalism and the doctrine of Westphalian sovereignty. Secondly, by emphasizing on the concept of maslahat (expediency) and by using several examples; this paper also provides explanations on how the foreign policy of Iran decides which path to take at the crossroad of supra-nationalism and sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"81 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133287838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-17DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.120906
Anurag Tripathi, K. Pk, Abhishek Rl
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is increasingly turning out to become a global endeavor and has recently been extended to Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) region. The diversity in the makeup of the nation-states in the region poses several challenges concerning the region's association with the BRI. For instance, Venezuela has borrowed heavily from China while being mired in economic troubles. The Venezuelan example serves as a caution to others as well as China on the intricacies of debt management and lending. This paper aims to study the challenges and risks arising from the Belt and Road Initiative extending to Latin America and the Caribbean region. This paper also tries to analyses as to whether a win-win outcome can be achieved for both China and the LAC nation-states and as to what China seeks from the region. An attempt has been made to evaluate the role that the global environment might play in this evolving relationship between China and the LAC nation-states. The paper also analyse the post pandemic BRI investment in the LAC region.
{"title":"BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE: DYNAMICS FOR THE LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN REGION","authors":"Anurag Tripathi, K. Pk, Abhishek Rl","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.120906","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.120906","url":null,"abstract":"The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is increasingly turning out to become a global endeavor and has recently been extended to Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) region. The diversity in the makeup of the nation-states in the region poses several challenges concerning the region's association with the BRI. For instance, Venezuela has borrowed heavily from China while being mired in economic troubles. The Venezuelan example serves as a caution to others as well as China on the intricacies of debt management and lending. This paper aims to study the challenges and risks arising from the Belt and Road Initiative extending to Latin America and the Caribbean region. This paper also tries to analyses as to whether a win-win outcome can be achieved for both China and the LAC nation-states and as to what China seeks from the region. An attempt has been made to evaluate the role that the global environment might play in this evolving relationship between China and the LAC nation-states. The paper also analyse the post pandemic BRI investment in the LAC region.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128828463","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-17DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.124620
Francisco Gilson Rebouças Pôrto Júnior, Marco Antônio Baleeiro Alves
Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar uma investigação descritiva sob a perspectiva qualitativa através do método bibliográfico com vistas a colocar em discussão o processo político de compra e Transferência de Tecnologia (TT) dos caças GRIPEN NG. A pesquisa é apresentada sob a forma de uma Análise Política (AP) do jogo político envolvendo os principais atores ligados à Indústria de Defesa do Brasil (IDB) durante os governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995 – 2002), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 – 2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011 – 2016). Recorreu-se ao estudo do processo decisório envolvendo: inter-relações entre os principais atores, consensos, interesses e valores. O estudo permitiu identificar e analisar os principais atores políticos, como eles atuaram no jogo político? Por quais motivações eles atuaram? Foram discutidos o processo de compra e Transferência de Tecnologia (TT) suas vantagens e dificuldades e como procederam alguns dos meios de comunicação, ressaltando-se algumas características do comércio internacional de MD que são relevantes para uma melhor compreensão da abordagem levantada e algumas semelhanças e diferenças entre os governos FHC, LULA e Dilma, diante deste tipo política pública conformada durante seus governos. Este trabalho levanta um outro lado, pouco lembrado entre os bastidores do processo de compra e TT dos caças GRIPEN NG, tendo em vista a visão parcial da mídia, não atinentes aos interesses econômicos do complexo militar-industrial estadunidense e muitas vezes ocultado por interesses e valores do meio político dadas as características intrínsecas destes atores. Trata-se de um outro lado que justifica a necessidade de planejar e avaliar as políticas públicas de aquisição e TT de MD visando em primeiro lugar os interesses de defesa, soberania nacional e o desenvolvimento sócio-econômico.
{"title":"ANÁLISE POLÍTICA DO PROCESSO DE COMPRA E TRANSFERÊNCIA DE TECNOLOGIA DOS CAÇAS GRIPEN.","authors":"Francisco Gilson Rebouças Pôrto Júnior, Marco Antônio Baleeiro Alves","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.124620","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.124620","url":null,"abstract":"Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar uma investigação descritiva sob a perspectiva qualitativa através do método bibliográfico com vistas a colocar em discussão o processo político de compra e Transferência de Tecnologia (TT) dos caças GRIPEN NG. A pesquisa é apresentada sob a forma de uma Análise Política (AP) do jogo político envolvendo os principais atores ligados à Indústria de Defesa do Brasil (IDB) durante os governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995 – 2002), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 – 2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011 – 2016). Recorreu-se ao estudo do processo decisório envolvendo: inter-relações entre os principais atores, consensos, interesses e valores. O estudo permitiu identificar e analisar os principais atores políticos, como eles atuaram no jogo político? Por quais motivações eles atuaram? Foram discutidos o processo de compra e Transferência de Tecnologia (TT) suas vantagens e dificuldades e como procederam alguns dos meios de comunicação, ressaltando-se algumas características do comércio internacional de MD que são relevantes para uma melhor compreensão da abordagem levantada e algumas semelhanças e diferenças entre os governos FHC, LULA e Dilma, diante deste tipo política pública conformada durante seus governos. Este trabalho levanta um outro lado, pouco lembrado entre os bastidores do processo de compra e TT dos caças GRIPEN NG, tendo em vista a visão parcial da mídia, não atinentes aos interesses econômicos do complexo militar-industrial estadunidense e muitas vezes ocultado por interesses e valores do meio político dadas as características intrínsecas destes atores. Trata-se de um outro lado que justifica a necessidade de planejar e avaliar as políticas públicas de aquisição e TT de MD visando em primeiro lugar os interesses de defesa, soberania nacional e o desenvolvimento sócio-econômico.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130204222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-17DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.119595
Syafrinaldi Syafrinaldi, R. Prayuda, S. Harto
The issue of non traditional security is currently one of the changes in studies in international security. One of the changes is from state security to human security. A form of real threat to human security is transnational crime. Therefore, in dealing with transnational crime, coordination between law enforcers in each country is needed by implementing international law. This article uses the approach of liberalism with a qualitative descriptive research approach (literature study) The research findings explain that the lack of domestic law enforcement in ASEAN countries causes transnational criminals to break away from domestic law and flee to other countries, causing fears of new threats in the country where the refugees are fleeing. In essence, there is no country that is able to stand on its own to resolve this transnational crime case. Therefore, multilateral cooperation between countries is needed. ASEAN, which in this case is a Southeast Asian multilateral institution must regulate strategies through MLA (Mutual Legal Assistance in criminal matters).
{"title":"TOWARD EFFECTIVE OF ASEAN MUTUAL LEGAL ASSISTANCE IN COMBATING NON TRADITIONAL SECURITY THREAT IN SOUTHEAST ASIA REGION","authors":"Syafrinaldi Syafrinaldi, R. Prayuda, S. Harto","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.119595","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.119595","url":null,"abstract":"The issue of non traditional security is currently one of the changes in studies in international security. One of the changes is from state security to human security. A form of real threat to human security is transnational crime. Therefore, in dealing with transnational crime, coordination between law enforcers in each country is needed by implementing international law. This article uses the approach of liberalism with a qualitative descriptive research approach (literature study) The research findings explain that the lack of domestic law enforcement in ASEAN countries causes transnational criminals to break away from domestic law and flee to other countries, causing fears of new threats in the country where the refugees are fleeing. In essence, there is no country that is able to stand on its own to resolve this transnational crime case. Therefore, multilateral cooperation between countries is needed. ASEAN, which in this case is a Southeast Asian multilateral institution must regulate strategies through MLA (Mutual Legal Assistance in criminal matters).","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126486465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-17DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.122914
Zaeem Hassan Mehmood, Ramla Khan
The Indian Ocean has gained prominence in the international geopolitical discourse. It is becoming a showground for major competition between the new and existing great powers. Maritime Diplomacy, in this regard, is a valuable instrument for averting conflict. The range of options available are from the cooperative ones to persuasive and coercive selection for the maritime forces. It is helpful not only to those utilizing it but also to academicians who are trying to decipher the more extensive ramifications of the utilization of sea-based strategy. Mahan documented, the most powerful state of the maritime realm is generally also richest and economically prevalent most in the international order. The study uses qualitative method to analyze the existing literature comprising of primary and secondary set of imperatives to provide structured insight that would be useful to policy-makers and academicians. The Pakistani perspective and interplay in the changing geopolitics is assessed in the region termed as “pivotal of the world”.
{"title":"MARITIME DIPLOMACY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN: WAY FORWARD FOR PAKISTAN","authors":"Zaeem Hassan Mehmood, Ramla Khan","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.122914","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.122914","url":null,"abstract":"The Indian Ocean has gained prominence in the international geopolitical discourse. It is becoming a showground for major competition between the new and existing great powers. Maritime Diplomacy, in this regard, is a valuable instrument for averting conflict. The range of options available are from the cooperative ones to persuasive and coercive selection for the maritime forces. It is helpful not only to those utilizing it but also to academicians who are trying to decipher the more extensive ramifications of the utilization of sea-based strategy. Mahan documented, the most powerful state of the maritime realm is generally also richest and economically prevalent most in the international order. The study uses qualitative method to analyze the existing literature comprising of primary and secondary set of imperatives to provide structured insight that would be useful to policy-makers and academicians. The Pakistani perspective and interplay in the changing geopolitics is assessed in the region termed as “pivotal of the world”.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131333645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-17DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.128143
José Alexandre Altahyde Hage
O objetivo deste ensaio é analisar o documento denominado de Doutrina Putin, publicado por Sergei Karaganov, em janeiro de 2022, sua relação com o expansionismo russo encontrado na anexação da região ucraniana da Criméia, em 2014, e sua crítica ao sistema internacional emergente com o fim da Guerra Fria; momento considerado bastante prejudicial, para os russos, à renovação de poder daquele país e sua ascensão como grande potência. O corte de tempo da investigação é de 1991, fim da União Soviética, e janeiro de 2022, início das hostilidades entre Rússia e Ucrânia pelo Donbass. A linha argumentativa, teórico-metodológica, deste ensaio emprega literatura do pensamento geopolítico e de autores pertencentes ao realismo da teoria de relações internacionais.
{"title":"O QUE É A DOUTRINA PUTIN? A QUESTÃO ESTRATÉGICA RUSSA E A SEGURANÇA NACIONAL AMPLIADA","authors":"José Alexandre Altahyde Hage","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.128143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.128143","url":null,"abstract":"O objetivo deste ensaio é analisar o documento denominado de Doutrina Putin, publicado por Sergei Karaganov, em janeiro de 2022, sua relação com o expansionismo russo encontrado na anexação da região ucraniana da Criméia, em 2014, e sua crítica ao sistema internacional emergente com o fim da Guerra Fria; momento considerado bastante prejudicial, para os russos, à renovação de poder daquele país e sua ascensão como grande potência. O corte de tempo da investigação é de 1991, fim da União Soviética, e janeiro de 2022, início das hostilidades entre Rússia e Ucrânia pelo Donbass. A linha argumentativa, teórico-metodológica, deste ensaio emprega literatura do pensamento geopolítico e de autores pertencentes ao realismo da teoria de relações internacionais.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122027725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-17DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.125991
Stefy V Joseph, Aneetta Thomas Peedikayil
The East Mediterranean Gas Forum, a nascent regional organization stands at the crossroads of regional cooperation today. Formed in the wake of natural gas discoveries and the resultant bilateral and multilateral mechanisms, the organization has been beset with positive and negative interdependencies in the region. These interdependencies highlight the energy and regional security concerns of the region’s members. As convergences along energy and regional security lines unfold, the foundational structures of the forum have showcased cracks raising questions regarding its relevance. The study thus seeks to examine the dynamics of the international political economy behind the formation of the EMGF by analysing the convergence of energy and regional security concerns of the specific state actors in the region.
{"title":"EAST MEDITERRANEAN GAS FORUM: CONVERGENCE OF REGIONAL AND ENERGY SECURITY CONCERNS","authors":"Stefy V Joseph, Aneetta Thomas Peedikayil","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.125991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.125991","url":null,"abstract":"The East Mediterranean Gas Forum, a nascent regional organization stands at the crossroads of regional cooperation today. Formed in the wake of natural gas discoveries and the resultant bilateral and multilateral mechanisms, the organization has been beset with positive and negative interdependencies in the region. These interdependencies highlight the energy and regional security concerns of the region’s members. As convergences along energy and regional security lines unfold, the foundational structures of the forum have showcased cracks raising questions regarding its relevance. The study thus seeks to examine the dynamics of the international political economy behind the formation of the EMGF by analysing the convergence of energy and regional security concerns of the specific state actors in the region.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115186539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-17DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.127024
A. Alkhawaldeh, Ayman Hayajneh
Foreign policy is an integral part of international relations. This study examines the United States (US) foreign policy towards Jordan from 1990 to 2017 since the period witnessed important regional and international political events that significantly impacted the US foreign policy. These events have the greatest impact on the development of relations between the two countries in terms of political and security aspects. The study looks at four political events and their impacts on Jordanian-American relations from the political and security aspects. Therefore, the objectives of this study are to examine the US foreign policy towards Jordan from the political and security aspects. This study adopted the qualitative approach. The primary data were collected from interviews while the secondary data were obtained from books, journals, theses, newspapers, seminar papers, articles and other documents. In this study, 16 respondents from political, economic and security experts in Jordan and the US were selected for semi-structured interviews. The study employed Thematic Analysis in analysing the data obtained. This study adopted the neo-realism theory as a theoretical framework. This study found that the US foreign policy recognizes Jordan as a close ally and considers its stability very important. The US foreign policy was seen slightly negative towards Jordan during the Iraqi War on Kuwait in 1990. However, the Wadi Araba peace treaty between Jordan and Israel in 1994 had promoted positive US foreign policy towards Jordan. This policy was slightly weakened in 2017 due to the transfer of the US Embassy to Jerusalem. Certain political events play an important role in the US foreign policy regarding security aid towards Jordan. The study found that the US foreign policy provides security support to Jordan to protect Israel, spread American ideology and fight against its enemy. This research also found that Jordan has a suitable location to defend Israel because the country is surrounded by important Arab countries. The US links its aids to Jordan due to political events. Accordingly, the study recommends the necessity for the Jordanian state to increase its influential economic alliances at the international level. In addition, Jordanian policy must be redrawn in line with international realities to pressure the US to make Jordan play an active role in the region and international arena. Jordan should better use its geographical location to achieve international cooperation and enhance Arab security as a barrier against Israel.
{"title":"UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS JORDAN FROM THE POLITICAL AND SECURITY DIMENSIONS FROM 1990 TO 2017","authors":"A. Alkhawaldeh, Ayman Hayajneh","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.127024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.127024","url":null,"abstract":"Foreign policy is an integral part of international relations. This study examines the United States (US) foreign policy towards Jordan from 1990 to 2017 since the period witnessed important regional and international political events that significantly impacted the US foreign policy. These events have the greatest impact on the development of relations between the two countries in terms of political and security aspects. The study looks at four political events and their impacts on Jordanian-American relations from the political and security aspects. Therefore, the objectives of this study are to examine the US foreign policy towards Jordan from the political and security aspects. This study adopted the qualitative approach. The primary data were collected from interviews while the secondary data were obtained from books, journals, theses, newspapers, seminar papers, articles and other documents. In this study, 16 respondents from political, economic and security experts in Jordan and the US were selected for semi-structured interviews. The study employed Thematic Analysis in analysing the data obtained. This study adopted the neo-realism theory as a theoretical framework. This study found that the US foreign policy recognizes Jordan as a close ally and considers its stability very important. The US foreign policy was seen slightly negative towards Jordan during the Iraqi War on Kuwait in 1990. However, the Wadi Araba peace treaty between Jordan and Israel in 1994 had promoted positive US foreign policy towards Jordan. This policy was slightly weakened in 2017 due to the transfer of the US Embassy to Jerusalem. Certain political events play an important role in the US foreign policy regarding security aid towards Jordan. The study found that the US foreign policy provides security support to Jordan to protect Israel, spread American ideology and fight against its enemy. This research also found that Jordan has a suitable location to defend Israel because the country is surrounded by important Arab countries. The US links its aids to Jordan due to political events. Accordingly, the study recommends the necessity for the Jordanian state to increase its influential economic alliances at the international level. In addition, Jordanian policy must be redrawn in line with international realities to pressure the US to make Jordan play an active role in the region and international arena. Jordan should better use its geographical location to achieve international cooperation and enhance Arab security as a barrier against Israel.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129054403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.125358
Analúcia Danilevicz Pereira, Igor Estima Sardo
Este artigo discute os referenciais teórico-conceituais na obra de Giovanni Arrighi, especialmente, ciclos sistêmicos de acumulação e seu impacto sobre as relações internacionais. Tem-se como hipótese que a crise terminal do regime de acumulação norte-americano foi marcada na crise de 2008. Como objetivo principal deste trabalho, pretende-se contribuir para o debate sobre as sucessões de CSAs, crises terminais e sinalizadoras e hegemonias do Sistema-Mundo, mediante um método descritivo-analítico, revisando as principais obras de Giovanni Arrighi sobre o tema. Conclui-se, ao fim, que, de fato, a crise de 2008 se enquadra no conceito de crise terminal e que, logo, um CSA sino-americano surge após a crise financeira, unindo elementos de simbiose, não hegemonia e multipolaridade. Finalmente, este estudo se justifica por aprofundar o debate sobre a economia internacional, a teoria das relações internacionais e a política internacional recente.
{"title":"OS CICLOS SISTÊMICOS DE ACUMULAÇÃO NA OBRA DE GIOVANNI ARRIGHI: A CRISE DE 2008, O FIM DA HEGEMONIA NORTE-AMERICANA E A POSIÇÃO DA CHINA","authors":"Analúcia Danilevicz Pereira, Igor Estima Sardo","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.125358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.125358","url":null,"abstract":"Este artigo discute os referenciais teórico-conceituais na obra de Giovanni Arrighi, especialmente, ciclos sistêmicos de acumulação e seu impacto sobre as relações internacionais. Tem-se como hipótese que a crise terminal do regime de acumulação norte-americano foi marcada na crise de 2008. Como objetivo principal deste trabalho, pretende-se contribuir para o debate sobre as sucessões de CSAs, crises terminais e sinalizadoras e hegemonias do Sistema-Mundo, mediante um método descritivo-analítico, revisando as principais obras de Giovanni Arrighi sobre o tema. Conclui-se, ao fim, que, de fato, a crise de 2008 se enquadra no conceito de crise terminal e que, logo, um CSA sino-americano surge após a crise financeira, unindo elementos de simbiose, não hegemonia e multipolaridade. Finalmente, este estudo se justifica por aprofundar o debate sobre a economia internacional, a teoria das relações internacionais e a política internacional recente.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124653470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.124268
Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo, Francisco Luiz Marzinotto Jr,.
O século XXI marcou a transição do capitalismo industrial ao digital. Nos últimos anos, um oligopólio constituiu-se nos EUA para explorar economicamente os recursos digitais emergentes, dilatando-se durante o governo Obama. Após a expansão econômica, a era Trump suscitou problemáticas sobre o poder político das megacorporações do setor, marcando o início de tentativas de contenção pelo chefe do Executivo e Legislativo para proteção do livre mercado e liberdades individuais. No entanto, essas tentativas de contenção são, de fato, iniciativas voltadas apenas para proteção do “livre mercado”? Visando responder esta questão, o objetivo do artigo é analisar as relações entre as big techs e a política norte-americana nos governos Obama (período de expansão) e na era Trump (tentativas de contenção).
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