Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.122375
Mayte Anais Dongo Sueiro
The necessity of a policy towards the Latin American region was being discussed within the European Community (EC) in the 1980s. Within this debate, two relevant discourses can be traced. One highlighted the relevance of a Latin American interlocutor, which led to the EC and the Rio Group meetings in 1987. The other was against the opening of an interregional dialogue on the Latin American debt. These discourses had contradictory outcomes for the Latin-American interstate cooperation. One, improved it due to the recognition of a regional group; the other, disregarded the attempt to have a common Latin-American voice.El contradictorio comportamiento externo de la Comunidad Europea: la promoción de la integración latinoamericana a finales de los ochentaEn los ochenta, se discutía en la Comunidad Europea (CE) la necesidad de una política hacia la región latinoamericana. En ese debate, dos discursos pueden ser identificados. Uno hacía hincapié en la relevancia de un interlocutor, que llevó a las reuniones entre la CE y el Río Grupo en 1987. El otro discurso mostraba la oposición respecto a abrir un diálogo interregional sobre la deuda. Estos discursos tuvieron resultados contradictorios para la cooperación interestatal latinoamericana. Uno la mejoró debido al reconocimiento que se le dio a un grupo regional; el otro, ignoró el intento de tener una voz común latinoamericana.
1980年代，欧洲共同体(欧共体)内部正在讨论制订一项针对拉丁美洲区域的政策的必要性。在这场辩论中，可以追溯到两个相关的话语。一个代表团强调了拉丁美洲对话者的重要性，这导致了1987年欧共体和bb0集团的会议。另一个是反对就拉丁美洲债务问题展开区域间对话。这些论述对拉美国家间合作产生了相互矛盾的结果。一是由于对区域集团的认可，对其进行了改进;另一个则无视建立拉美共同声音的努力。欧洲共同体对外经济发展的矛盾:promoción de la integración拉丁美洲国家和经济发展的最终结果:discutía de de欧洲共同体(CE)和经济发展的必要性política hacia la región拉丁美洲国家。在中国的辩论中，讨论是否以用户身份为主题。1987年1月1日，Uno hacía在“对话者的相关性”一词中表示:“Uno hacía在对话者的相关性”。El otro discurso mostraba la oposición关于一个abririur diálogo区域间的sobre la deuda。Estos disdiscourse, tuviereras resulttorios para la cooperación interest - atal latinamericana。Uno la mejoró dededo al conconconimiique que是一个非集团的区域;El otro, ignoró El intento de tener una voz común latinoamericana。
{"title":"THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY CONTRADICTORY EXTERNAL BEHAVIOUR: THE PROMOTION OF INTEGRATION IN LATIN AMERICA IN THE LATE 1980s","authors":"Mayte Anais Dongo Sueiro","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.122375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.122375","url":null,"abstract":"The necessity of a policy towards the Latin American region was being discussed within the European Community (EC) in the 1980s. Within this debate, two relevant discourses can be traced. One highlighted the relevance of a Latin American interlocutor, which led to the EC and the Rio Group meetings in 1987. The other was against the opening of an interregional dialogue on the Latin American debt. These discourses had contradictory outcomes for the Latin-American interstate cooperation. One, improved it due to the recognition of a regional group; the other, disregarded the attempt to have a common Latin-American voice.El contradictorio comportamiento externo de la Comunidad Europea: la promoción de la integración latinoamericana a finales de los ochentaEn los ochenta, se discutía en la Comunidad Europea (CE) la necesidad de una política hacia la región latinoamericana. En ese debate, dos discursos pueden ser identificados. Uno hacía hincapié en la relevancia de un interlocutor, que llevó a las reuniones entre la CE y el Río Grupo en 1987. El otro discurso mostraba la oposición respecto a abrir un diálogo interregional sobre la deuda. Estos discursos tuvieron resultados contradictorios para la cooperación interestatal latinoamericana. Uno la mejoró debido al reconocimiento que se le dio a un grupo regional; el otro, ignoró el intento de tener una voz común latinoamericana.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"172 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132173486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.113718
Stefy V Joseph, Rhea Anthony
The influx of refugees in 2015- an aftermath of the Syrian Civil War, propelled European leadership into a predicament of maintaining a cautious balance between international obligations and domestic responsibilities. While most nations adopted harder migration policies, Germany decided to navigate through such a conundrum by adopting pro-migration policies. However, the simultaneous rise in right wing extremism posed a significant threat to those who were considered to be ‘non-German’. The paper analyses the right wing extremist spectrum in Germany from 2015-2018. The paper further employs The Clash of Civilisations thesis with Populism to explain the upsurge in right wing extremism.
{"title":"FAULT LINES IN CIVILIZATIONS AND RIGHT WING EXTREMISM GERMANY’S: EXPERIMENT WITH DOMESTIC RESPONSIBILITY VS INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATION","authors":"Stefy V Joseph, Rhea Anthony","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.113718","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.113718","url":null,"abstract":"The influx of refugees in 2015- an aftermath of the Syrian Civil War, propelled European leadership into a predicament of maintaining a cautious balance between international obligations and domestic responsibilities. While most nations adopted harder migration policies, Germany decided to navigate through such a conundrum by adopting pro-migration policies. However, the simultaneous rise in right wing extremism posed a significant threat to those who were considered to be ‘non-German’. The paper analyses the right wing extremist spectrum in Germany from 2015-2018. The paper further employs The Clash of Civilisations thesis with Populism to explain the upsurge in right wing extremism.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124931175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.123326
E. Langa
O artigo analisa a política externa moçambicana nas Governações Samora Machel e Joaquim Chissano. Utiliza como método a análise de política externa comparada de Rosenau e aportes teóricos da lógica dos jogos dos dois níveis de Putnam. A política externa do Governo Samora era de libertação regional, antiapartheid e de solidariedade com estados e povos oprimidos. Engajado no Bloco Socialista, o Estado moçambicano enfrentou constrangimentos internos e externos da Guerra-Fria. As decisões eram ideológicas, centralizadas no líder carismático e Presidente da República. Com agenda própria, Samora soube gerir as vontades populares com nacionalizações, mas o marxismo-leninismo impôs doutrina militar e inflexibilidade diplomática. As relações externas do Governo Chissano foram de pragmatismo político-econômico, buscou novas ideologias e abriu-se a diálogos e negociações com parceiros improváveis. Considerado tecnocrata e exímio diplomata, Chissano soube negociar o fim da guerra-civil, a abertura político-econômica e a ajuda do mundo Ocidental. Contudo, tomou decisões impopulares: políticas de ajustamento estrutural, transição do socialismo ao capitalismo e mudanças na Constituição. Entre os dois Governos houve mudanças profundas: de importante player político regional e peão soviético, Moçambique tornou-se dependente da ajuda internacional e redefiniu seu papel, passando a parceiro econômico estratégico regional, cuja agenda de política externa passou a ser influenciada por organismos econômicos internacionais.
{"title":"MOÇAMBIQUE: ESTUDO COMPARADO DA POLÍTICA EXTERNA DOS GOVERNOS SAMORA MACHEL E JOAQUIM CHISSANO","authors":"E. Langa","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.123326","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.123326","url":null,"abstract":"O artigo analisa a política externa moçambicana nas Governações Samora Machel e Joaquim Chissano. Utiliza como método a análise de política externa comparada de Rosenau e aportes teóricos da lógica dos jogos dos dois níveis de Putnam. A política externa do Governo Samora era de libertação regional, antiapartheid e de solidariedade com estados e povos oprimidos. Engajado no Bloco Socialista, o Estado moçambicano enfrentou constrangimentos internos e externos da Guerra-Fria. As decisões eram ideológicas, centralizadas no líder carismático e Presidente da República. Com agenda própria, Samora soube gerir as vontades populares com nacionalizações, mas o marxismo-leninismo impôs doutrina militar e inflexibilidade diplomática. As relações externas do Governo Chissano foram de pragmatismo político-econômico, buscou novas ideologias e abriu-se a diálogos e negociações com parceiros improváveis. Considerado tecnocrata e exímio diplomata, Chissano soube negociar o fim da guerra-civil, a abertura político-econômica e a ajuda do mundo Ocidental. Contudo, tomou decisões impopulares: políticas de ajustamento estrutural, transição do socialismo ao capitalismo e mudanças na Constituição. Entre os dois Governos houve mudanças profundas: de importante player político regional e peão soviético, Moçambique tornou-se dependente da ajuda internacional e redefiniu seu papel, passando a parceiro econômico estratégico regional, cuja agenda de política externa passou a ser influenciada por organismos econômicos internacionais.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126774742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.124741
Khamis Bin Ali Al-Sunaidi, Sahar Tarawneh, Kamis Snidi
The study started from the question: What is the role played by the Sultanate of Oman in the Yemeni crisis? What are the most important auxiliary factors and the most prominent obstacles to performing this role? The problem of the study was the difference of the foreign policy of the Sultanate of Oman towards the crisis in Yemen from the policies of other regional countries, especially the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The study adopted the hypothesis that there is an effective and important role played by the Sultanate of Oman in the Yemeni crisis, which it plays through the positions and foreign policy decisions that it has committed to towards the crisis in its neighbor Yemen. The study adopted both the decision-making approach and the descriptive analytical approach. The study analyzed the priorities of the Sultanate of Oman in Yemen, the developments of the Omani position on the Yemeni crisis, and the components and determinants of the Omani role in Yemen. The study concluded a number of results, the most important of which is that the Sultanate of Oman has invested its political neutrality and moderation diplomacy in order to activate channels of dialogue and diplomacy in order to end the ongoing fighting in Yemen, and that despite the difficulty of the Yemeni file, the Sultanate of Oman remains more qualified than others to play the role of a neutral mediator. This is reinforced by the fact that the Sultanate is not a party to the conflict in Yemen, as is the case with other regional and international parties.
{"title":"THE SULTANATE OF OMAN’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE YEMENI CRISIS: PILLARS AND LIMITATIONS","authors":"Khamis Bin Ali Al-Sunaidi, Sahar Tarawneh, Kamis Snidi","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.124741","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.124741","url":null,"abstract":"The study started from the question: What is the role played by the Sultanate of Oman in the Yemeni crisis? What are the most important auxiliary factors and the most prominent obstacles to performing this role? \u0000The problem of the study was the difference of the foreign policy of the Sultanate of Oman towards the crisis in Yemen from the policies of other regional countries, especially the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council. \u0000The study adopted the hypothesis that there is an effective and important role played by the Sultanate of Oman in the Yemeni crisis, which it plays through the positions and foreign policy decisions that it has committed to towards the crisis in its neighbor Yemen. The study adopted both the decision-making approach and the descriptive analytical approach. \u0000The study analyzed the priorities of the Sultanate of Oman in Yemen, the developments of the Omani position on the Yemeni crisis, and the components and determinants of the Omani role in Yemen. \u0000The study concluded a number of results, the most important of which is that the Sultanate of Oman has invested its political neutrality and moderation diplomacy in order to activate channels of dialogue and diplomacy in order to end the ongoing fighting in Yemen, and that despite the difficulty of the Yemeni file, the Sultanate of Oman remains more qualified than others to play the role of a neutral mediator. This is reinforced by the fact that the Sultanate is not a party to the conflict in Yemen, as is the case with other regional and international parties.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"84 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125950438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.121733
Łukasz Jureńczyk
The purpose of the paper is to present and evaluate the involvement of the People's Republic of China in stabilizing the security of Afghanistan during the democratic transition. China's efforts to secure Afghanistan were very limited as it did not want to support the US position in the country and antagonize extremist groupings. Its relations with Afghanistan were focused on economic issues, which resulted from its own goals and interests. China hoped that the intensified investments and trade, and thus economic growth, would positively translate into the stability and security of Afghanistan.
{"title":"CHINA'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE STABILIZATION OF 'DEMOCRATIC' AFGHANISTAN","authors":"Łukasz Jureńczyk","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.121733","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.121733","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the paper is to present and evaluate the involvement of the People's Republic of China in stabilizing the security of Afghanistan during the democratic transition. China's efforts to secure Afghanistan were very limited as it did not want to support the US position in the country and antagonize extremist groupings. Its relations with Afghanistan were focused on economic issues, which resulted from its own goals and interests. China hoped that the intensified investments and trade, and thus economic growth, would positively translate into the stability and security of Afghanistan.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117053057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.22456/2238-6912.119787
Nguyễn Tuấn Bình, Tran Xuan Hiep, Tran Hoang Long
Maritime security has been in recent times emerged as a burning issue in the fields of international relations in general and in the Indo-Pacific region in particular. With topographical tectonics, this area includes numerous “choke points” on maritime routes that are strategically important to world trade, playing an important role in the transportation of oil, gas and cargo products from the Middle East to Australia and East Asia. Therefore, maritime security issues for the lifeline of the world economy are concerned by the countries in the Indo-Pacific region, in which the important role of the sea route through Straits of Malacca is increasingly emphasized. With a geostrategic position connecting the Andaman Sea (Indian Ocean) and the South China Sea (Pacific Ocean), Straits of Malacca is the shortest route between the Middle East and Asia in general and Pacific Rim countries in particular. This is the location that accounts for a quarter of the world’s marine traffic annually. Energy security and trade economy of major powerful countries in the Indo-Pacific region depend heavily on the maritime security of Straits of Malacca route. Through an analysis of the Malacca Strait’s geostrategic location, this paper elucidates the Indo-Pacific region’s importance in maritime security field in the first two decades of the twenty-first century.
{"title":"MARITIME SECURITY IN THE INDO-PACIFIC REGION: A VIEW FROM THE GEOSTRATEGIC POSITION OF THE MALACCA STRAIT","authors":"Nguyễn Tuấn Bình, Tran Xuan Hiep, Tran Hoang Long","doi":"10.22456/2238-6912.119787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.119787","url":null,"abstract":"Maritime security has been in recent times emerged as a burning issue in the fields of international relations in general and in the Indo-Pacific region in particular. With topographical tectonics, this area includes numerous “choke points” on maritime routes that are strategically important to world trade, playing an important role in the transportation of oil, gas and cargo products from the Middle East to Australia and East Asia. Therefore, maritime security issues for the lifeline of the world economy are concerned by the countries in the Indo-Pacific region, in which the important role of the sea route through Straits of Malacca is increasingly emphasized. With a geostrategic position connecting the Andaman Sea (Indian Ocean) and the South China Sea (Pacific Ocean), Straits of Malacca is the shortest route between the Middle East and Asia in general and Pacific Rim countries in particular. This is the location that accounts for a quarter of the world’s marine traffic annually. Energy security and trade economy of major powerful countries in the Indo-Pacific region depend heavily on the maritime security of Straits of Malacca route. Through an analysis of the Malacca Strait’s geostrategic location, this paper elucidates the Indo-Pacific region’s importance in maritime security field in the first two decades of the twenty-first century.","PeriodicalId":318999,"journal":{"name":"AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126952343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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