Pub Date : 2022-07-13DOI: 10.14710/jis.21.2.2022.98-125
Reevany Bustami, A. Maksum
This study examines inter-state tension between Indonesia and Malaysia on the issue of Ambalat between 2005-2009 using quantitative analysis. The analysis offers these critical and crucial lenses to reduce empirical and conceptual blind spots in international relations discourse. The issue is pivotal since the Ambalat disputes had yielded tensions between the two nations. Furthermore, the military’s involvement and provocations of mass media were arguably excessive. Previous literature merely focuses on the foreign policy tension and neglects the correlated and critical domestic factors. The purpose of this research is expected to possess a different conceptual perspective on the issue of Ambalat, which is often framed from a security perspective. The mainstream rationale captures Ambalat as an internal political maneuver deployed by President Yudhoyono while antagonizing Indonesia’s relations with the neighbor. The analysis offers these critical and crucial lenses to reduce empirical and conceptual blind spots in international relations discourse. The results showed that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) used this issue to advance specific political interests by redirecting the public’s attention from mounting petroleum costs and the president’s declining image. This also occurs against the backdrop of the presidential election of 2009 to maneuver Ambalat. However, the maneuver for the domestic audience affected Indonesia-Malaysia’s relations and the rising tension.
{"title":"The Domestic Politics and Indonesia’s Tension with Malaysia on The Ambalat Case","authors":"Reevany Bustami, A. Maksum","doi":"10.14710/jis.21.2.2022.98-125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/jis.21.2.2022.98-125","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines inter-state tension between Indonesia and Malaysia on the issue of Ambalat between 2005-2009 using quantitative analysis. The analysis offers these critical and crucial lenses to reduce empirical and conceptual blind spots in international relations discourse. The issue is pivotal since the Ambalat disputes had yielded tensions between the two nations. Furthermore, the military’s involvement and provocations of mass media were arguably excessive. Previous literature merely focuses on the foreign policy tension and neglects the correlated and critical domestic factors. The purpose of this research is expected to possess a different conceptual perspective on the issue of Ambalat, which is often framed from a security perspective. The mainstream rationale captures Ambalat as an internal political maneuver deployed by President Yudhoyono while antagonizing Indonesia’s relations with the neighbor. The analysis offers these critical and crucial lenses to reduce empirical and conceptual blind spots in international relations discourse. The results showed that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) used this issue to advance specific political interests by redirecting the public’s attention from mounting petroleum costs and the president’s declining image. This also occurs against the backdrop of the presidential election of 2009 to maneuver Ambalat. However, the maneuver for the domestic audience affected Indonesia-Malaysia’s relations and the rising tension. ","PeriodicalId":32069,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77981098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-13DOI: 10.14710/jis.21.2.2022.126-144
Antonia Rahayu Rosaria Wibowo
Space race refers to the race to master space technology. This activity began in the Cold War Era when the United States of America and the Soviet Union raced to explore outer space in the 1950s. The race continued and at the end of the 1960s other countries followed to conduct space activities by launching rocket and satellite. China and India are two countries which have advance technological development and those countries also compete in mastering space technology. Besides having rapid capability to master space technology, China and India also show the same interest to win global authority. This research is important because studying the use of space technology to win hegemony is a new topic. This research attempts to answer a research problem related to the efforts conducted by China and India to win hegemony through space race. This research aims to give new insight on the use of space technology to win hegemony. It was qualitative research which used descriptive method and library research technique to collect secondary data about China and India’s space activities and also the space race between them from books, scientific journals, and other relevant sources. The analysis results show that China and India use their space capabilities to win hegemony.
{"title":"Space Race Between China and India to Win Hegemony","authors":"Antonia Rahayu Rosaria Wibowo","doi":"10.14710/jis.21.2.2022.126-144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/jis.21.2.2022.126-144","url":null,"abstract":"Space race refers to the race to master space technology. This activity began in the Cold War Era when the United States of America and the Soviet Union raced to explore outer space in the 1950s. The race continued and at the end of the 1960s other countries followed to conduct space activities by launching rocket and satellite. China and India are two countries which have advance technological development and those countries also compete in mastering space technology. Besides having rapid capability to master space technology, China and India also show the same interest to win global authority. This research is important because studying the use of space technology to win hegemony is a new topic. This research attempts to answer a research problem related to the efforts conducted by China and India to win hegemony through space race. This research aims to give new insight on the use of space technology to win hegemony. It was qualitative research which used descriptive method and library research technique to collect secondary data about China and India’s space activities and also the space race between them from books, scientific journals, and other relevant sources. The analysis results show that China and India use their space capabilities to win hegemony. ","PeriodicalId":32069,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75519231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-17DOI: 10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.75-97
Meta Indriyani Kurniasari, M. Isbah, M. N. Azca
This study investigates the trends of workcation in Indonesia, and the motivations and expectations of workcationers. Workcation is a new way of working that has gained momentum globally, including in Indonesia, particularly since the COVID-19 pandemic. However, research on the workcation trend involving Indonesian workers is limited, if not non-existent. Thus, this study aims to identify the profiles of those who adopt this work style, their motivation, preferences, and experiences. The data in this paper were drawn from an online survey and interviews with workcationers. We use a mixed method and adopt the New Ways of Working (NWW) approach to the sociology of work to provide new insights into the emerging workcation trend in the digital age. The findings show that Indonesian workers who adopt this work style are mostly millennials employed in the formal sectors and earn above the regional minimum wage. They believe that workcation can improve well-being and productivity. However, this trend has drawbacks for workers, such as alienation due to a low sense of belonging, depression, and work-life imbalance. Based on these findings, we propose some relevant social policy responses.
{"title":"The Emerging Workcation Trend in Indonesia: A Preliminary Study on the Demographic Profiles, Motivations, and Experiences of Workcationers","authors":"Meta Indriyani Kurniasari, M. Isbah, M. N. Azca","doi":"10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.75-97","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.75-97","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the trends of workcation in Indonesia, and the motivations and expectations of workcationers. Workcation is a new way of working that has gained momentum globally, including in Indonesia, particularly since the COVID-19 pandemic. However, research on the workcation trend involving Indonesian workers is limited, if not non-existent. Thus, this study aims to identify the profiles of those who adopt this work style, their motivation, preferences, and experiences. The data in this paper were drawn from an online survey and interviews with workcationers. We use a mixed method and adopt the New Ways of Working (NWW) approach to the sociology of work to provide new insights into the emerging workcation trend in the digital age. The findings show that Indonesian workers who adopt this work style are mostly millennials employed in the formal sectors and earn above the regional minimum wage. They believe that workcation can improve well-being and productivity. However, this trend has drawbacks for workers, such as alienation due to a low sense of belonging, depression, and work-life imbalance. Based on these findings, we propose some relevant social policy responses. ","PeriodicalId":32069,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76897782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-13DOI: 10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.57-74
Desinta Roichanun Nisa, I. Sihidi
The construction of an oil refinery in Tuban Regency, a National Strategic Project (PSN), has been rejected by the Tuban community. This study aims to explain the efforts made by PT Pertamina and the government in resolving the land acquisition conflict regarding the construction of an oil refinery in Jenu, Tuban Regency. The researchers used the descriptive qualitative method, collected data using interviews and documentation, and analyzed the collected, reduced and presented data. The results showed that the parties resolved the conflict through litigation, mediation, and negotiation. The process resulted in the provision of employment for locals, scholarships for outstanding students in five affected villages, development of fishermen's cooperatives in Mentoso Village, food and social assistance for farmers, opportunities for locals to continue working on the acquired land before the construction, and several Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) programs around the premises. After the resolution, out of 1219 parcels, 1222 were acquired with a total land area of 814 hectares from 961 owners. This research only focuses on the agreements between the parties. Further studies are advised to observe PT Pertamina's and the community's consistency in adhering to the agreements.
{"title":"Infrastructure Development and Conflict: A Conflict Resolution in The Construction of An Oil Refinery","authors":"Desinta Roichanun Nisa, I. Sihidi","doi":"10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.57-74","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.57-74","url":null,"abstract":"The construction of an oil refinery in Tuban Regency, a National Strategic Project (PSN), has been rejected by the Tuban community. This study aims to explain the efforts made by PT Pertamina and the government in resolving the land acquisition conflict regarding the construction of an oil refinery in Jenu, Tuban Regency. The researchers used the descriptive qualitative method, collected data using interviews and documentation, and analyzed the collected, reduced and presented data. The results showed that the parties resolved the conflict through litigation, mediation, and negotiation. The process resulted in the provision of employment for locals, scholarships for outstanding students in five affected villages, development of fishermen's cooperatives in Mentoso Village, food and social assistance for farmers, opportunities for locals to continue working on the acquired land before the construction, and several Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) programs around the premises. After the resolution, out of 1219 parcels, 1222 were acquired with a total land area of 814 hectares from 961 owners. This research only focuses on the agreements between the parties. Further studies are advised to observe PT Pertamina's and the community's consistency in adhering to the agreements.","PeriodicalId":32069,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83659943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-07DOI: 10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.14-38
Sugeng Bahagijo, Y. Prasetyo, Denisa Kawuryan, Bonar Tua, Aditiana Dewi Eridani
The digital gender gap is still a big, unseen problem in Indonesia. The government alone will not be able to close this gap, and it needs support from the private sector and the role of civil society. This study aims to explore and determine Civil Society Organizations’ (CSOs) role in closing the digital gender gap in Indonesia. Using a qualitative approach, this research collected data and information through interviews and focus group discussions with CSO representatives who have long been advocating for various vulnerable groups of women in Indonesia. Multiple literatures and reports related to the digital gender divide were also reviewed. An important finding in this study is the description and exploration of the various roles of CSOs in digital assistance to women and vulnerable groups through a wide range of programs such as (1) advocating for women’s rights, (2) promoting digital literacy, (3) fulfilling the Rights to Sexual and Reproductive Health, (4) protecting women victims of violence, (5) public policy oversight, (6) encouraging women’s public/political participation, (7) securing recognition of marginalized groups, (8) women’s economic empowerment, and (9) environmental sustainability campaigns. The results of this research indicate that CSOs have directly or indirectly contributed to increasing the capacity of individual women and groups they engage with. The various digital mentoring roles performed by CSOs have helped women and other vulnerable groups to become more confident, thereby increasing their participation in the public sphere, mainly through the use of ICT/the internet.
{"title":"Closing The Digital Gender Gap In Indonesia Through The Roles And Initiatives Of Civil Society Organizations","authors":"Sugeng Bahagijo, Y. Prasetyo, Denisa Kawuryan, Bonar Tua, Aditiana Dewi Eridani","doi":"10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.14-38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.14-38","url":null,"abstract":"The digital gender gap is still a big, unseen problem in Indonesia. The government alone will not be able to close this gap, and it needs support from the private sector and the role of civil society. This study aims to explore and determine Civil Society Organizations’ (CSOs) role in closing the digital gender gap in Indonesia. Using a qualitative approach, this research collected data and information through interviews and focus group discussions with CSO representatives who have long been advocating for various vulnerable groups of women in Indonesia. Multiple literatures and reports related to the digital gender divide were also reviewed. An important finding in this study is the description and exploration of the various roles of CSOs in digital assistance to women and vulnerable groups through a wide range of programs such as (1) advocating for women’s rights, (2) promoting digital literacy, (3) fulfilling the Rights to Sexual and Reproductive Health, (4) protecting women victims of violence, (5) public policy oversight, (6) encouraging women’s public/political participation, (7) securing recognition of marginalized groups, (8) women’s economic empowerment, and (9) environmental sustainability campaigns. The results of this research indicate that CSOs have directly or indirectly contributed to increasing the capacity of individual women and groups they engage with. The various digital mentoring roles performed by CSOs have helped women and other vulnerable groups to become more confident, thereby increasing their participation in the public sphere, mainly through the use of ICT/the internet. ","PeriodicalId":32069,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72754347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-03DOI: 10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.1-13
Hardi Alunaza, V. Sherin
The Indo-Pacific in the development of world politics is a meeting place for stakeholders from the US, China, Japan, India, Australia, and ASEAN to articulate each country's strategic interests. The rivalry between the US and China has been referred to as the new cold war in Southeast Asia. This momentum is an excellent opportunity for ASEAN to develop and expand its role in the Indo-Pacific by emphasizing centrality and putting its role to good use. Including the challenges of how China projects its strategic values to Australia, Japan, and India. This research analyzes the strategic value and emerging challenges of Majors Power in the Indo-Pacific. This article uses the theory balance of power with a qualitative descriptive method. It explains how China expands its influence in the Indo-Pacific region by increasing the distribution of rising power, new security concepts, peaceful rise, engagement, and comprehensive establishments and how this strategic value poses a challenge to India, the US, Australia, and Japan. The rise of the Indo-Pacific is one of the influences involving the superpowers by looking at the potential in the region. This is inextricably linked to China's national interest. The results of this research is that China uses the strategic value of rising power and new security concepts in its rivalry with the US and ASEAN. Concerning Australia, China prioritizes engagement and comprehensive establishment by leveraging economic benefits. In addition, China has shown a peaceful rise and engagement, as well as geopolitical rivalries with Japan and India.
{"title":"The Strategic Value of China's Foreign Policy and The Rivalry of The Majors Power in The Indo-Pacific","authors":"Hardi Alunaza, V. Sherin","doi":"10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.1-13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/jis.21.1.2022.1-13","url":null,"abstract":"The Indo-Pacific in the development of world politics is a meeting place for stakeholders from the US, China, Japan, India, Australia, and ASEAN to articulate each country's strategic interests. The rivalry between the US and China has been referred to as the new cold war in Southeast Asia. This momentum is an excellent opportunity for ASEAN to develop and expand its role in the Indo-Pacific by emphasizing centrality and putting its role to good use. Including the challenges of how China projects its strategic values to Australia, Japan, and India. This research analyzes the strategic value and emerging challenges of Majors Power in the Indo-Pacific. This article uses the theory balance of power with a qualitative descriptive method. It explains how China expands its influence in the Indo-Pacific region by increasing the distribution of rising power, new security concepts, peaceful rise, engagement, and comprehensive establishments and how this strategic value poses a challenge to India, the US, Australia, and Japan. The rise of the Indo-Pacific is one of the influences involving the superpowers by looking at the potential in the region. This is inextricably linked to China's national interest. The results of this research is that China uses the strategic value of rising power and new security concepts in its rivalry with the US and ASEAN. Concerning Australia, China prioritizes engagement and comprehensive establishment by leveraging economic benefits. In addition, China has shown a peaceful rise and engagement, as well as geopolitical rivalries with Japan and India.","PeriodicalId":32069,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81888191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-26DOI: 10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.209-227
Fitriyah Fitriyah, N. Herawati
Discrimination to voters with disabilities occurs recurrently although many efforts are taken to break such discrimination through regulations. This study intends to specifically describe the accessibility of voters with disabilities in the 2019 election, the obstacles, and recommendation for policy designs to improve the accessibility of voters with disabilities in elections. The simultaneous elections of 2019 which involve the legislative and presidential elections contribute to the complexity of the election, especially for the voters with disabilities. The qualitative research approach applies the analytical descriptive method. The data collection used literature studies on regulations, research results and articles related to disability. Primary data were obtained from interviews and observations (March-April 2019) in the city of Semarang. The data were also collected from documentary studies and online news searches regarding the policies/programs/activities of the General Election Commission (KPU), the General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) and organizations of disabilities, including using excerpts from their statements. The results of this study conclude that during the 2019 General Election KPU has not been able to remove social barriers to the fulfillment of the rights of disabled voters. The findings show that there is still discrimination for voters with disabilities in the 2019 elections which strengthens the findings of previous researches, although the regulatory aspect is better. The KPU policy of providing polling station (TPS) Akses at all polling stations is actually not effective in meeting their needs based on the types of disability. There are limitations on the budget and the availability to follow the topographic requirements of TPS Akses. As a recommendation, the quality of service needs to be improved by maximizing the accuracy of data for voters with disabilities, using the data as the basis for procurement and distribution of logistics and the establishment of TPS Akses, and as well as institutionalizing the synergy between KPU, local governments, and disabled community organizations/activists.
{"title":"Accessibility of Voters with Disabilities in General Elections","authors":"Fitriyah Fitriyah, N. Herawati","doi":"10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.209-227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.209-227","url":null,"abstract":"Discrimination to voters with disabilities occurs recurrently although many efforts are taken to break such discrimination through regulations. This study intends to specifically describe the accessibility of voters with disabilities in the 2019 election, the obstacles, and recommendation for policy designs to improve the accessibility of voters with disabilities in elections. The simultaneous elections of 2019 which involve the legislative and presidential elections contribute to the complexity of the election, especially for the voters with disabilities. The qualitative research approach applies the analytical descriptive method. The data collection used literature studies on regulations, research results and articles related to disability. Primary data were obtained from interviews and observations (March-April 2019) in the city of Semarang. The data were also collected from documentary studies and online news searches regarding the policies/programs/activities of the General Election Commission (KPU), the General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) and organizations of disabilities, including using excerpts from their statements. The results of this study conclude that during the 2019 General Election KPU has not been able to remove social barriers to the fulfillment of the rights of disabled voters. The findings show that there is still discrimination for voters with disabilities in the 2019 elections which strengthens the findings of previous researches, although the regulatory aspect is better. The KPU policy of providing polling station (TPS) Akses at all polling stations is actually not effective in meeting their needs based on the types of disability. There are limitations on the budget and the availability to follow the topographic requirements of TPS Akses. As a recommendation, the quality of service needs to be improved by maximizing the accuracy of data for voters with disabilities, using the data as the basis for procurement and distribution of logistics and the establishment of TPS Akses, and as well as institutionalizing the synergy between KPU, local governments, and disabled community organizations/activists.","PeriodicalId":32069,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial","volume":"177 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79870250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-22DOI: 10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.185-208
Naili Farida, Ari Pradhanawati, M. Taufiq
This study aims to build a model of innovation capability to increase the competitiveness of embroidery products in Jepara. The respondents in this study were 132 owners of embroidery SMEs. The sampling technique used was purposive sampling and the analysis technique employed Partial Least Square (PLS). Research results show a variety of knowledge, i.e., customer orientation has significant positive effect on innovation capability. Customer orientation and innovation capability significantly affect marketing performance, but competitive finance has no significant effect on marketing performance. In addition, the competitiveness of embroidery products is still low, so there is no impact on marketing performance. The competitive advantage of the product must be unique to the competitors’ embroidery products that have not been able to improve the competitiveness of their embroidery products.
{"title":"Innovation Capability Models to Improve the Competitiveness of Creative Industrial Products","authors":"Naili Farida, Ari Pradhanawati, M. Taufiq","doi":"10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.185-208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.185-208","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to build a model of innovation capability to increase the competitiveness of embroidery products in Jepara. The respondents in this study were 132 owners of embroidery SMEs. The sampling technique used was purposive sampling and the analysis technique employed Partial Least Square (PLS). Research results show a variety of knowledge, i.e., customer orientation has significant positive effect on innovation capability. Customer orientation and innovation capability significantly affect marketing performance, but competitive finance has no significant effect on marketing performance. In addition, the competitiveness of embroidery products is still low, so there is no impact on marketing performance. The competitive advantage of the product must be unique to the competitors’ embroidery products that have not been able to improve the competitiveness of their embroidery products. ","PeriodicalId":32069,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79672930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-16DOI: 10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.161-184
Lia Nihlah Najwah, Arief Setiawan
This article originated from studies that posed questions on the influence of Wonosobo for Human Rights Friendly City implementation in relation to religious tolerance in Buntu Village, Kejajar District. The study aims to identify the impact of the Human Rights Friendly City status that Wonosobo bears on the increasing religious tolerance in Buntu Village. Religious tolerance, which serves as one of Wonosobo's focuses on the Human Rights City agenda, becomes the limitation of this study. The time frame of this research ranges from 2016-2020, especially after the promulgation of Regional Government of Kabupaten Wonosobo Regulation Number 5 of 2016 concerning Wonosobo Regency for Human Rights Friendly City. This study uses a qualitative approach as its research method while utilizing interviews and literature studies as its data collection methods. It is worth noting that Buntu Village already possessed religious diversity and a high level of tolerance in its society even before the Human Right Friendly City policy was ratified as one of Wonosobo’s priorities. However, this study finds that tolerance in Buntu Village runs naturally without any external intervention. The Human Rights Friendly City status plays a tiny role in improving the quality of tolerance in Buntu Village. Hence, our study suggests that it is necessary for the regional government to increase the level of seriousness to continuously implement the program in the form of budget politics or other development programs.
{"title":"Locality and Implementation of Human Rights City","authors":"Lia Nihlah Najwah, Arief Setiawan","doi":"10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.161-184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.161-184","url":null,"abstract":"This article originated from studies that posed questions on the influence of Wonosobo for Human Rights Friendly City implementation in relation to religious tolerance in Buntu Village, Kejajar District. The study aims to identify the impact of the Human Rights Friendly City status that Wonosobo bears on the increasing religious tolerance in Buntu Village. Religious tolerance, which serves as one of Wonosobo's focuses on the Human Rights City agenda, becomes the limitation of this study. The time frame of this research ranges from 2016-2020, especially after the promulgation of Regional Government of Kabupaten Wonosobo Regulation Number 5 of 2016 concerning Wonosobo Regency for Human Rights Friendly City. This study uses a qualitative approach as its research method while utilizing interviews and literature studies as its data collection methods. It is worth noting that Buntu Village already possessed religious diversity and a high level of tolerance in its society even before the Human Right Friendly City policy was ratified as one of Wonosobo’s priorities. However, this study finds that tolerance in Buntu Village runs naturally without any external intervention. The Human Rights Friendly City status plays a tiny role in improving the quality of tolerance in Buntu Village. Hence, our study suggests that it is necessary for the regional government to increase the level of seriousness to continuously implement the program in the form of budget politics or other development programs. ","PeriodicalId":32069,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82774301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-16DOI: 10.14710/jis.1.2.2021.142-160
Nyoman Sudama, A. Meliala
Transitions in Balinese society as a result of internal conflict are critical opportunities to discover solutions for a better future for the society. The problem is how to investigate the conflict as part of the Balinese transitional development stages. Thus, the objective of this research is to answer that problem by examining the irregular transition stages of mass organization, also known as ‘ormas’ in Bahasa Indonesia, as a Balinese Community-Based Organisation (CBO) to get a better insight into Balinese society's transformation. This research employs a mixed method covering quantitative and qualitative descriptive data analysis. The qualitative data is collected by employing explorative key informant interviews while a survey of 519 respondents in six regions including Tabanan, Gianyar, Badung, Karangasem, Buleleng, and Denpasar is the source of quantitative data. The analysis presents the early stage of Balinese ‘ormas’ development followed by major issues and contradictions of the ‘ormas’ based on Balinese community perceptions. The main finding is that there were distortions in ‘ormas’ life cycles that hid their comparative advantages to become an ideal CBO. This paper concludes that ‘ormas’ transformation is the important step toward ideal CBO as part of Balinese community development. Therefore, adopting Lewin’s change model with general practical steps as well as some policing practices can support the future development of Balinese CBOs for a better contribution to Balinese communities.
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