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Does the Reform of the Parliamentary and Presidential Threshold Strengthen the Presidential System in Indonesia? 议会和总统门槛改革是否加强了印度尼西亚的总统制?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-31 DOI: 10.28946/slrev.vol8.iss1.3157.pp133-151
Mahesa Rannie, Retno Saraswati, Fifiana Wisnaeni
The attempt to purify Indonesia's multiparty presidential system was only reflected after the Third Amendment to the 1945 Constitution. However, it took work to implement it. In practice. Various measures have been taken, including party alliances and introducing voting barriers in parliamentary elections. Therefore, analysing the relationship between electoral thresholds and their ideal proportions in the form of legal-political reforms to strengthen the Indonesian presidential system is interesting. This is in line with the purpose of this study, which is to uncover and analyse the legal politics of electoral thresholds in an attempt to strengthen the presidential system of government in Indonesia. The approach adopted in this study is a theoretical approach with legal, conceptual, comparative and historical approaches. This study concludes that the legitimate political renewal of the electoral vote threshold is not closely related to efforts to strengthen Indonesia's system of multiparty presidential government. The ideal way to reform the legal, political threshold for electoral votes would be to set the parliamentary threshold at 2.5%, but at the same time tighten controls over the parties participating in the election, and the 2.5% threshold serves as President to maintain a balance between the parliamentary and presidential thresholds. In addition, it is also important to strengthen consensus (consensus democracy) among coalition political parties. There is still a desire to abolish the presidential threshold through the People's Representative Council (DPR) instead of the Constitutional Court (MK).
净化印尼多党总统制的尝试仅在 1945 年《宪法》第三次修正案之后才得以体现。然而,这需要努力才能实现。在实践中。采取了各种措施,包括政党联盟和在议会选举中引入投票门槛。因此,分析选举门槛与其理想比例之间的关系,以法律-政治改革的形式加强印尼总统制,是很有意义的。这与本研究的目的相一致,即揭示和分析选举门槛的法律政治,试图加强印尼的总统制政府。本研究采用的方法是理论方法,包括法律、概念、比较和历史方法。本研究的结论是,选举票门槛的合法政治革新与加强印尼多党总统制政府体系的努力并无密切关系。改革选举票合法政治门槛的理想方式是将议会门槛设定为 2.5%,但同时加强对参选党派的控制,2.5% 的门槛可作为总统在议会和总统门槛之间保持平衡。此外,加强联合政党之间的共识(共识民主)也很重要。目前仍有人希望通过人民代表委员会(DPR)而不是宪法法院(MK)废除总统门槛。
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引用次数: 0
The Use of Physical Strength in Children’s Education: Learning from Indonesian Court’s Judgments 在儿童教育中使用体力:从印度尼西亚法院的判决中学习
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-31 DOI: 10.28946/slrev.vol8.iss1.3014.pp115-132
Eva Achjani Zulfa, Artha Febriansyah, Jelang Ramadhan, I. Hayatullah
This article explores the limitations of using physical force in educating children in Indonesia. It examines the prevalence of violence by parents and teachers in education. Increased public awareness and concern for children's rights have made the use of violence in education a taboo. This research uses a qualitative method with secondary data using literature and analysing court decisions from the human rights perspective. This study aims to determine the limits of tolerance for violence and corporal punishment. The court decisions have been taken as the data to be analysed from various locations where decisions have been issued were taken into consideration to depict the similarities and differences in deciding matters related to corporal punishment towards children. This article examines historical, cultural, and religious factors that influence the use of physical force, including interpretations of Islamic teachings. This paper also presents arguments for and against corporal punishment as an educational tool. This research sheds light on the complexities surrounding the permissibility of physical force in children's education and the conflicting views in society, providing insight into evolving understandings and legal perspectives on the subject.
本文探讨了印度尼西亚在教育儿童时使用暴力的局限性。文章探讨了家长和教师在教育中使用暴力的普遍性。公众意识的提高和对儿童权利的关注使得在教育中使用暴力成为禁忌。本研究采用定性方法,利用文献和法院判决分析二手数据,从人权角度进行分析。本研究旨在确定对暴力和体罚的容忍限度。本研究将各地法院的判决作为数据进行分析,并考虑到各地法院在做出判决时的异同。本文研究了影响使用体罚的历史、文化和宗教因素,包括对伊斯兰教义的解释。本文还提出了支持和反对将体罚作为教育手段的论点。这项研究揭示了在儿童教育中允许使用体罚的复杂性以及社会上存在的相互冲突的观点,为人们深入了解对这一问题不断演变的理解和法律观点提供了启示。
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引用次数: 0
Criticising the Implementation of the ACTIP in Southeast Asia 批评在东南亚实施行动计划
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.28946/slrev.vol7.iss2.2542.pp350-367
Belardo Prasetya Mega Jaya, Ridwan Ridwan, Rully Syahrul Mucharom, Dwi Edi Wibowo, Siti Nur Aisah, Sulastri Sulastri, Novia Bella Alifvia
The legal framework for ASEAN cooperation in combating the crime of trafficking in persons, particularly women and children, led to the establishment of the ASEAN Convention Against Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children (ACTIP). This convention recognises that trafficking constitutes a violation of human rights and a crime against human dignity. However, the implementation of ACTIP faces numerous challenges that require strategic solutions. This research aims to examine the implementation of the ACTIP policy concerning human trafficking, assess ASEAN's efforts in tackling trafficking in women and children in the Southeast Asian region, and criticise the implementation of ACTIP. The research adopts a descriptive-normative method. The ACTIP Convention regulates provisions for dealing with trafficking problems, both prevention and handling, which are the responsibility of the central and local governments as well as the community by establishing various task forces in the implementation of prevention and control of human trafficking that occurs. ASEAN has taken several steps in the fight against human trafficking. Many obstacles must be faced to eradicate the criminal act of trafficking in persons. So. it is necessary to take several actions in implementing the ACTIP. ASEAN Members must cooperate either bilaterally or multilaterally so that the ACTIP arrangement can be implemented effectively.
东盟合作打击贩运人口,特别是妇女和儿童罪行的法律框架导致了《东盟反对贩运人口,特别是妇女和儿童公约》的建立。该公约承认贩运人口构成对人权的侵犯和危害人类尊严的罪行。然而,ACTIP的实施面临着许多挑战,需要战略解决方案。本研究的目的是考察东盟与人口贩运有关的政策的执行情况,评估东盟在东南亚地区解决贩运妇女和儿童问题的努力,并批评东盟与人口贩运有关的政策的执行情况。本研究采用描述-规范方法。该公约规定了处理人口贩运问题的规定,包括预防和处理,这是中央和地方政府以及社会的责任,通过建立各种工作队来实施预防和控制发生的人口贩运。东盟在打击人口贩运方面采取了若干步骤。要根除贩运人口的犯罪行为,必须克服许多障碍。所以。在实施《行动计划》时,有必要采取若干行动。东盟成员国必须进行双边或多边合作,以便有效地实施东盟行动计划安排。
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引用次数: 0
Finding the Truth in A Virtual Courtroom: Criminal Trials in Indonesia during the COVID-19 在虚拟法庭中寻找真相:2019冠状病毒病期间印度尼西亚的刑事审判
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.28946/slrev.vol7.iss2.2465.pp228-243
Febby Mutiara Nelson, Intan Hendrawati, Rafiqa Qurrata A’yun
Video conferencing through video call platforms, such as Zoom and Google Meet, has become a useful option for judges holding criminal trials during the COVID-19 pandemic in many countries. This trend also occurred in Indonesia. Some judges believe that video conferencing technology will help them accomplish justice in an emergency, referring to the legal maxim 'salus populi suprema lex esto’ or ‘let the welfare of the people be the supreme law’. Although virtual trials assist courts in preventing the spread of the deadly virus, they have also affected the work of judges to reach the substantive truth. This paper examines the challenges concerning the rights of the accused and technological matters that have emerged under the use of virtual courtrooms and, in some ways, led to unfair trial procedures. We argue that the absence of laws that regulate virtual courtrooms, along with an outdated the Code of Criminal Procedure in Indonesia (KUHAP), can lead to miscarriages of justice. The arguments presented in this article are based on survey data conducted from December 2020 to January 2021. The respondents are judges from Indonesia's western, middle, and eastern regions who used video conference facilities for criminal court hearings during the COVID-19 outbreak of 2020-2021.
在新冠肺炎疫情期间,通过Zoom、Google Meet等视频通话平台进行视频会议,在许多国家成为法官进行刑事审判的有用选择。这一趋势也发生在印度尼西亚。一些法官认为,视频会议技术将有助于他们在紧急情况下伸张正义,他们引用了法律格言“salus populi suprema lex to”,即“让人民的福利成为最高法律”。虽然虚拟审判有助于法院防止致命病毒的传播,但也影响了法官查明实质性真相的工作。本文审查了在使用虚拟法庭的情况下出现的有关被告权利和技术问题的挑战,这些挑战在某些方面导致了不公平的审判程序。我们认为,缺乏规范虚拟法庭的法律,加上过时的《印度尼西亚刑事诉讼法》(KUHAP),可能导致司法不公。本文提出的论点基于2020年12月至2021年1月的调查数据。受访者是来自印度尼西亚西部、中部和东部地区的法官,他们在2020-2021年COVID-19爆发期间使用视频会议设施进行刑事法庭听证会。
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Direct Investment: A Comparative Analysis between Iraq and the UAE 外商直接投资:伊拉克与阿联酋的比较分析
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.28946/slrev.vol7.iss2.2773.pp262-286
Ghazwan Abdulhadi Alabdalrahman, Haniff Ahamat, Nabeel Mahdi Althabhawi
Foreign direct investment (FDI) refers to an investment into a company or organisation through long-term or overseas expansion acquisition with the hope of forming a long-term relationship. It is a viable business tool utilised in businesses across the globe. However, in Iraq, despite the investment laws and other regulations to boost foreign direct investment, investors still need to be convinced about investing in Iraq due to several factors that might affect their investments. Many countries and some Arab countries have advanced in their FDIs, leaving Iraq behind, one of which is the UAE. Therefore, this research aims to analyse Iraqi's FDI vis-à-vis what is obtainable in the UAE to proffer effective and appropriate recommendations to be implemented to boost the Iraqi FDI for better future investments. To achieve this, the study utilised a theoretical method of review of existing literature and relevant legislations in the two jurisdictions, as well as a comparative analysis to analyse the key areas hindering the effectiveness of the Iraqi FDI compared to what is obtainable in the UAE. It was discovered that besides the dispute resolution mechanism, corruption, poor infrastructure, unskilled labour, political instability and the financial sector, the legal framework is inadequate, incomprehensive, and discouraging to foreign investors. However, these hindrances are not prevalent in the UAE. Hence, the suggestion for Iraq to boost its political stability, social security, improve its business climate and transfer knowledge and practices from the UAE to achieve a robust FDI in Iraq in fulfilment of SDG 17.
外国直接投资(Foreign direct investment, FDI)是指通过长期或海外扩张收购的方式对某一公司或组织进行投资,以期形成长期的合作关系。它是一种可行的商业工具,在全球范围内的企业中使用。然而,在伊拉克,尽管有促进外国直接投资的投资法和其他法规,由于几个可能影响他们投资的因素,投资者仍然需要说服他们在伊拉克投资。许多国家和一些阿拉伯国家在外国直接投资方面取得了进步,把伊拉克甩在了后面,其中之一就是阿联酋。因此,本研究旨在分析伊拉克的外国直接投资访问-à-vis在阿联酋可以获得什么,以提供有效和适当的建议,以促进伊拉克的外国直接投资,以获得更好的未来投资。为了实现这一目标,该研究采用了一种理论方法,对两个司法管辖区的现有文献和相关立法进行了审查,并进行了比较分析,分析了与阿联酋相比,阻碍伊拉克外国直接投资有效性的关键领域。调查发现,除了争端解决机制、腐败、基础设施差、缺乏技能的劳工、政治不稳定和金融部门之外,法律框架也不充分、不全面,并使外国投资者感到沮丧。然而,这些障碍在阿联酋并不普遍。因此,建议伊拉克加强其政治稳定和社会安全,改善其商业环境,并从阿联酋转移知识和实践,以在伊拉克实现强劲的外国直接投资,以实现可持续发展目标17。
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引用次数: 0
A Discourse on the Malaysian Geographical Indications Act 论马来西亚地理标志法
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.28946/slrev.vol7.iss2.2741.pp368-383
Manique Cooray, Jia Chern Lee, Justin Johari Azman
The Malaysian Parliament approved three Bills on Intellectual Property rights. One of it is the Geographical Indications Bill 2021, repealing the Geographical Indications Act 2000 (the Old Act). The new Bill received royal assent on 16 March 2022 and came into operation on 18 March 2022, known as the Geographical Indications Act 2022 (the New Act). The revisions made in the New Act were essential to harmonise intellectual property standards in Malaysia and facilitate the country’s accession to the Marrakesh Treaty. These amendments ensure that Malaysia adheres to the World Trade Organization’s Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) and fulfils its obligations under the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). The purpose of this paper is to examine the salient features introduced by the provisions of the New Act and to examine how the enhanced provisions attempt to realign intellectual property standards in Malaysia concerning Malaysia's broader obligations under the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership which have come into effect in Malaysia on 18 March 2022. The methodology employed in this research is doctrinal, especially focusing on the interpretation and analysis of the statutory provisions. In light of the changes in the New Act, New Regulations and the New Guidelines, the paper concludes by forwarding several recommended best practices to be considered by registered proprietors in the country.
马来西亚议会通过了三项关于知识产权的法案。其中之一是《2021年地理标志法案》,废除了《2000年地理标志法案》(旧法案)。新法案于2022年3月16日获得王室批准,并于2022年3月18日生效,被称为《2022年地理标志法案》(新法案)。新法案所作的修订对于协调马来西亚的知识产权标准和促进该国加入《马拉喀什条约》至关重要。这些修正案确保马来西亚遵守世界贸易组织的《与贸易有关的知识产权协定》(TRIPS),并履行其在《区域全面经济伙伴关系协定》(RCEP)下的义务。本文的目的是研究新法案条款引入的显著特征,并研究强化条款如何试图重新调整马来西亚的知识产权标准,涉及马来西亚在2022年3月18日生效的区域全面经济伙伴关系下的更广泛义务。本研究采用的方法是理论的,特别注重对法定条款的解释和分析。鉴于新法案、新法规和新指导方针的变化,本文最后提出了一些建议,供该国的注册业主考虑。
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引用次数: 0
Protection of Performers’ Rights in Indonesian Copyright Law: Copyrighted Works Uploaded to YouTube 印尼著作权法对表演者权利的保护:上载至YouTube的版权作品
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.28946/slrev.vol7.iss2.1092.pp300-317
Yulia Yulia, Zinatul Ashiqin Zainol, Fatahillah F
The Beijing Treaty allows performers to benefit from using audiovisual fixation for commercial purposes. This treaty is the first treaty specifically to protect against the head of the show. Indonesia has ratified the Beijing Treaty in order to give protection to the performers. There are provisions that performers can maintain moral rights until death (but not after death) and until the end of economic rights and refuse all forms of distortion, excision and modification that damage the reputation of performers. This article analyses the protection of the rights of performers whose works were uploaded without permission to YouTube under Indonesian Copyright Law 2014. This research is normative juridical research with a conceptual and statutory approach. The result is that the show performers’ performance rights under the Beijing Agreement have been adopted in the 2014 Indonesian Copyright Act, even though there are some differences in defining the fixation and scope of the show rights to the fixed performance terms. The 2014 Indonesian Copyright Law has indefinitely maximised the protection of performers' moral rights. Moreover, the Indonesian Copyright Law 2014 Act No. 28 states that the rights of performers cannot be eliminated or cannot be removed for any reason, including their economic rights, such as a right to carry out themselves, give permission, prohibit broadcast or communication the performance to other parties, come under by using online media. Therefore, when an illegal act such as uploading the performance of performers without permission violates Copyright Law, dan perpetrators can be sued.
《北京条约》允许表演者从为商业目的使用视听固定制品中获益。这一条约是第一个专门针对首领的条约。印度尼西亚已经批准了《北京条约》,以保护表演者。有规定规定,表演者可以保持精神权利直到死亡(但不是死后)和直到经济权利结束,并拒绝一切形式的歪曲、删除和修改,损害表演者的声誉。本文分析了2014年印尼《版权法》对未经许可将作品上传到YouTube的表演者的权利保护。这项研究是规范性的法律研究与概念和法定的方法。其结果是,《北京协议》规定的表演权利已被2014年印度尼西亚著作权法所采纳,尽管在确定固定表演条款的表演权利的固定期限和范围方面存在一些差异。2014年颁布的《印尼版权法》对表演者的精神权利给予了无限的保护。此外,印度尼西亚《2014年版权法》第28号法案规定,表演者的权利不能以任何理由被消除或移除,包括他们的经济权利,例如通过使用网络媒体进行表演、给予许可、禁止向其他方广播或传播表演的权利。因此,当未经许可上传表演者的表演等违法行为违反《著作权法》时,实施者可以被起诉。
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引用次数: 0
“Originalism” of Interpretation in the United States Constitution 美国宪法解释的“原旨主义”
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.28946/slrev.vol7.iss2.2134.pp190-208
I Dewa Gede Palguna, Bima Kumara Dwi Atmaja
Originalism is a viewpoint that is one of the methods and theories of constitutional interpretation. It remains controversial in its application, particularly in the decisions of the United States Supreme Court. Originalism first held that the interpretation of the United States Constitution must follow the original intent of the constitutional drafters or those who ratified it. However, in the 1990s, this stance changed, namely that the interpretation of the Constitution must follow the original meaning of the constitutional text. The aim of this research is to understand the anti-mainstream concepts of originalism interpretation. The fundamental problem lies not to answer which one is better between originalist and non-originalist. Instead, it rather depends on how to use this approach in several cases. It is possible that in one case using an originalist approach will be more relevant and appropriate, while in another case it will be absurd, and it is happened in several decisions in the United States. The Normative legal research method was used in this research with five major approaches. Those are the statute, conceptual, historical, casuistry, and comparative approaches. The result of this study indicates that: first, originalism is a stance directly related to perspective on the issue of interpretation of the Constitution. Meanwhile, the interpretation of the Constitution itself is an attempt to understand the definitions contained in the Constitution and the objectives it aims to achieve. Second, reflecting on the practice in the United States, the originalism approach may be more relevant on some occasions. However, originalism will be absurd if applied on other occasions because society has changed so much. Therefore, in such circumstances, getting out of originalism is a necessity.
原旨主义是宪法解释的一种方法和理论。它的适用仍然存在争议,特别是在美国最高法院的决定中。原旨主义首先认为,对美国宪法的解释必须遵循宪法起草者或批准宪法者的初衷。然而,在20世纪90年代,这种立场发生了变化,即宪法的解释必须遵循宪法文本的原意。本研究旨在了解原旨主义阐释的反主流概念。根本问题不在于回答原旨主义者和非原旨主义者哪一个更好。相反,这取决于在几种情况下如何使用这种方法。有可能在一种情况下,使用原旨主义的方法将更相关和适当,而在另一种情况下,它将是荒谬的,这在美国的几个决定中都发生过。本研究采用规范性法律研究方法,主要有五种研究方法。它们是法规,概念,历史,诡辩和比较方法。研究结果表明:第一,原旨主义是一种与宪法解释问题的观点直接相关的立场。同时,对宪法的解释本身就是试图理解宪法所包含的定义及其所要达到的目标。第二,反思美国的实践,原旨主义的做法在某些场合可能更适用。然而,由于社会变化太大,原旨主义如果应用于其他场合将是荒谬的。因此,在这种情况下,摆脱原旨主义是必要的。
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引用次数: 0
Relationship between the Obligations from the European Convention on Human Rights and the Accession to the European Union 《欧洲人权公约》义务与加入欧洲联盟的关系
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.28946/slrev.vol7.iss2.2502.pp209-227
Harun Halilović
Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) has difficulty integrating and moving closer to the goal of becoming a member of the European Union (EU). From the legal perspective, the main issue is the need to fulfil the accession criteria. The article aims to examine the relationship between the obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights and Basic Freedoms (ECHR) and the obligations related to the European Union (EU) accession process, with emphasis on Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) as an EU membership candidate country. At first sight, those two obligations are separate. However, upon close examination, a strong link between those two obligations can be established using normative research with a historical approach, statute and case-based approach. On the other hand, the constitutional system of B&H has been described as discriminatory by numerous judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and, most prominently, by the Sejdic-Finci case. B&H has difficulties implementing those judgments. Implementing those judgments is also set as one of the requirements of EU accession. Even if the two obligations seem separate at first sight, the ECHR has a special position within the law of the EU and is especially important in the accession of new Member States, including B&H. The research results show a special position of the ECHR in EU law and a link between the obligations under the ECHR and EU accession.
波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那(B&H)很难融入欧盟,也很难向成为欧盟成员国的目标迈进。从法律角度来看,主要问题是需要满足加入标准。本文旨在考察《欧洲人权与基本自由公约》(ECHR)规定的义务与加入欧盟(EU)进程相关的义务之间的关系,重点关注作为欧盟候选国的波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那(B&H)。乍一看,这两项义务是分开的。但是,经过仔细审查,可以利用具有历史方法、法规和基于案例的方法的规范性研究来确定这两项义务之间的密切联系。另一方面,欧洲人权法院(ECtHR)的许多判决,尤其是Sejdic-Finci一案,都将B&H的宪法制度描述为歧视性的。H很难执行这些判决。执行这些判决也被定为加入欧盟的要求之一。尽管这两项义务乍一看似乎是分开的,但《欧洲人权公约》在欧盟法律中具有特殊地位,在新成员国加入欧盟时尤其重要,其中包括德国。研究结果表明,《欧洲人权公约》在欧盟法律中的特殊地位,以及《欧洲人权公约》规定的义务与加入欧盟之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
The Paradox of Downstream Mining Industry Development in Indonesia: Analysis and Challenges 印尼下游矿业发展的悖论:分析与挑战
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.28946/slrev.vol7.iss2.2734.pp335-349
Atik Krustiyati, Gita Venolita Valentina Gea
Development of downstream on the mining industry has been encouraged by the government of Indonesia these past years. With the increasing demand for nickel ore, the government focused on implementing downstream in this sector. Establishing an export ban and domestic processing requirement on nickel ore caused the EU to challenge Indonesia before the DSB WTO. In its report to the Panel, it was concluded that Indonesia had violated the provisions of GATT 1994. While it is understandable that Indonesia has absolute sovereignty over its natural resources, it is also bounded to international organisations and regulations, for it has expressed its consent. This paper aims to examine the analysis by the Panel on what caused Indonesia to decide as the losing party and how Indonesia would implement the development downstream in the middle of its sovereignty and obligations on an international level. Through a juridical normative method, it is concluded that Indonesia had failed to comply with the provisions of GATT 1994 that obliged it. It does not mean it has no sovereignty towards its natural resources, for it has agreed to be bound by the provisions. In order to exercise downstream development, it is recommended that Indonesia create national policies or regulations related to adhering to the provisions of the WTO. A cautious approach to governing the downstream may prevent potentially damaging disputes.
近年来,印尼政府一直鼓励下游采矿业的发展。随着对镍矿需求的增加,政府将重点放在该行业的下游实施。对镍矿的出口禁令和国内加工要求,导致欧盟在DSB WTO面前挑战印尼。在提交小组的报告中,得出的结论是,印度尼西亚违反了1994年关贸总协定的规定。印度尼西亚对其自然资源拥有绝对主权是可以理解的,但它也受到国际组织和规则的约束,因为它已经表示了同意。本文旨在审查小组对导致印度尼西亚作为败诉方作出决定的原因以及印度尼西亚将如何在其主权和国际义务的中间实施下游发展的分析。通过一种司法规范方法,得出的结论是,印度尼西亚没有遵守1994年关贸总协定对它负有义务的规定。这并不意味着它对其自然资源没有主权,因为它已同意受这些条款的约束。为了实施下游发展,建议印度尼西亚制定与遵守世贸组织规定有关的国家政策或法规。谨慎地管理下游可能会防止潜在的破坏性纠纷。
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