Coraz bardziej rozległa i zarazem „zagęszczona” jest sfera zjawisk związana z naruszaniem prawa w działaniach politycznych, ignorowaniem ograniczeń i zakazów prawnych, nadużywaniem prawa w walce politycznej i ideologicznej oraz w procesach rządzenia. Tym drastycznym zaprzeczeniom praworządności zwykle towarzyszy ostentacyjne bezprawie, „łamanie prawa polityką”, mniej lub bardziej zręczna, finezyjna lub żenująco niewyrafinowana dezinterpretacja lub (kiedy to wygodne) nadinterpretacja norm prawnych. W artykule przedstawiono zarys modelu pewnej nowej jakości, która zasługuje na miano specjalne – makiawelizmu prawnego. Jest to zaledwie szkic wstępny schematu pojęciowo-interpretacyjnego, zasługujący jednak – jak sądzi autor – na krytyczną weryfikację i ewentualne uściślenia.
{"title":"O prawnym makiawelizmie polityków","authors":"Mirosław Karwat","doi":"10.12775/hip.2022.023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.023","url":null,"abstract":"Coraz bardziej rozległa i zarazem „zagęszczona” jest sfera zjawisk związana z naruszaniem prawa w działaniach politycznych, ignorowaniem ograniczeń i zakazów prawnych, nadużywaniem prawa w walce politycznej i ideologicznej oraz w procesach rządzenia. Tym drastycznym zaprzeczeniom praworządności zwykle towarzyszy ostentacyjne bezprawie, „łamanie prawa polityką”, mniej lub bardziej zręczna, finezyjna lub żenująco niewyrafinowana dezinterpretacja lub (kiedy to wygodne) nadinterpretacja norm prawnych. W artykule przedstawiono zarys modelu pewnej nowej jakości, która zasługuje na miano specjalne – makiawelizmu prawnego. Jest to zaledwie szkic wstępny schematu pojęciowo-interpretacyjnego, zasługujący jednak – jak sądzi autor – na krytyczną weryfikację i ewentualne uściślenia.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45914255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Artykuł powstał na podstawie monografii autora pt. Teoria władzy. Niniejsze opracowanie dostarcza kompleksowych teoretycznych objaśnień dotyczących zjawiska władzy. Jest to studium teoretyczne, którego ustalenia pozwalają lepiej zrozumieć przedmiotowy fenomen, a także oferują założenia ontologiczne i epistemologiczne gotowe do dalszych badań zarówno teoretycznych, jak i empirycznych. Przedstawione rozumienie władzy stanowi dowód niezbędności zintegrowanych badań politologiczno-prawniczo-socjologicznych.
{"title":"Czym jest, a czym nie jest władza. Uwagi na marginesie normatywizacyjnej teorii władzy","authors":"Krzysztof Pałecki","doi":"10.12775/hip.2022.024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.024","url":null,"abstract":"Artykuł powstał na podstawie monografii autora pt. Teoria władzy. Niniejsze opracowanie dostarcza kompleksowych teoretycznych objaśnień dotyczących zjawiska władzy. Jest to studium teoretyczne, którego ustalenia pozwalają lepiej zrozumieć przedmiotowy fenomen, a także oferują założenia ontologiczne i epistemologiczne gotowe do dalszych badań zarówno teoretycznych, jak i empirycznych. Przedstawione rozumienie władzy stanowi dowód niezbędności zintegrowanych badań politologiczno-prawniczo-socjologicznych.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44129002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tekst jest poświęcony problematyce związanej z kategorią stabilności politycznej. Celem głównym jest ustalenie zakresu semantycznego pojęcia stabilizowania na gruncie teorii polityki. Wywód został oparty na koncepcji decyzjonizmu Carla Schmitta oraz na analizie systemowej. W tekście zastosowano autorski podział analityczny na przypadki: a) destabilizacji; b) stabilizowania norm społecznych; c) stabilizowania norm prawnych; d) stabilizowania rutynowego. Efektem wywodu jest wyodrębnienie i zdefiniowanie sytuacji, w których występuje proces stabilizowania politycznego. Ustalenia te są istotne dla badania systemów politycznych, ich ewolucji, trwania i rozpadu.
{"title":"Stabilizowanie jako wymiar decydowania politycznego","authors":"Łukasz Perlikowski","doi":"10.12775/hip.2022.026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.026","url":null,"abstract":"Tekst jest poświęcony problematyce związanej z kategorią stabilności politycznej. Celem głównym jest ustalenie zakresu semantycznego pojęcia stabilizowania na gruncie teorii polityki. Wywód został oparty na koncepcji decyzjonizmu Carla Schmitta oraz na analizie systemowej. W tekście zastosowano autorski podział analityczny na przypadki: a) destabilizacji; b) stabilizowania norm społecznych; c) stabilizowania norm prawnych; d) stabilizowania rutynowego. Efektem wywodu jest wyodrębnienie i zdefiniowanie sytuacji, w których występuje proces stabilizowania politycznego. Ustalenia te są istotne dla badania systemów politycznych, ich ewolucji, trwania i rozpadu.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44686233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Na przestrzeni kilku ostatnich lat teoretycy zajmujący się demokracją liberalną i republikańską wolnością zgłaszali różnorakie zastrzeżenia wobec takiego ujęcia pluralizmu politycznego i prawnego, które autor zaprezentował w swojej monografii: The Structure of Pluralism i które rozwinął później w licznych artykułach na temat pluralizmu i sprawiedliwości oraz relacji państwo–kościoły. Istotnie, tzw. pluralizm jurysdykcyjny może powodować większe napięcie z demokratycznym (czy republikańskim) modelem władzy, niż przyznają to jego zwolennicy. Wydaje się zatem pożyteczne, by wskazać pewne niewypowiedziane założenia koncepcji pluralizmu jurysdykcyjnego (przynajmniej w wydaniu autora), które mogą takie napięcie wywoływać. Artykuł stanowi wstępną próbę przeformułowania pluralizmu w taki sposób, który tłumaczyłby owo napięcie. Jak to bywa w przypadku przyczynków, próba ta może nie być w pełni zadowalająca i kompletna, ale przynajmniej posłuży jako objaśnienie pewnych różnic między fundamentalnymi założeniami pluralistycznymi i demokratycznymi (republikańskimi).
{"title":"O zastrzeżeniach wobec pluralistycznego ujęcia władzy","authors":"Victor M. Muñiz-Fraticelli","doi":"10.12775/hip.2022.025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.025","url":null,"abstract":"Na przestrzeni kilku ostatnich lat teoretycy zajmujący się demokracją liberalną i republikańską wolnością zgłaszali różnorakie zastrzeżenia wobec takiego ujęcia pluralizmu politycznego i prawnego, które autor zaprezentował w swojej monografii: The Structure of Pluralism i które rozwinął później w licznych artykułach na temat pluralizmu i sprawiedliwości oraz relacji państwo–kościoły. Istotnie, tzw. pluralizm jurysdykcyjny może powodować większe napięcie z demokratycznym (czy republikańskim) modelem władzy, niż przyznają to jego zwolennicy. Wydaje się zatem pożyteczne, by wskazać pewne niewypowiedziane założenia koncepcji pluralizmu jurysdykcyjnego (przynajmniej w wydaniu autora), które mogą takie napięcie wywoływać. Artykuł stanowi wstępną próbę przeformułowania pluralizmu w taki sposób, który tłumaczyłby owo napięcie. Jak to bywa w przypadku przyczynków, próba ta może nie być w pełni zadowalająca i kompletna, ale przynajmniej posłuży jako objaśnienie pewnych różnic między fundamentalnymi założeniami pluralistycznymi i demokratycznymi (republikańskimi).","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47697706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
W artykule autor próbuje „odczarować” negatywny obraz instrumentalizacji prawa, jaki został ukształtowany w literaturze teoretycznoprawnej. Polskie prawoznawstwo za sprawą doświadczeń tzw. realnego socjalizmu miało szczególne powody do uprzedzeń względem tej problematyki. W tekście wykorzystywane są teoretyczne inspiracje pochodzące spoza nauk prawnych (filozofia pragmatycznego instrumentalizmu Johna Deweya, koncepcja polityki Maxa Webera, koncepcja polityczności Chantal Mouffe) oraz stricte prawnicze teorie instrumentalizacji (Sanne Taekemy wariant pluralistyczno-responsywny, Wiesława Langa ujęcie rekonstrukcjonistyczne). Głównym przesłaniem opracowania jest zmiana problemowego podejścia do instrumentalizacji prawa: zastąpienie tradycyjnego pytania o granice instrumentalizacji prawa stanowionego przez państwo pytaniem, jak prawo – nie ryzykując utraty swoich zasadniczych wartości i funkcji – może kooperować z naturalną skłonnością ludzi do instrumentalizowania swojego zachowania w warunkach demokratycznego, pluralistycznego społeczeństwa. Tezy artykułu osadzone są w liberalnej wizji porządku społecznego, jednak z istotną korektą polegającą na odwołaniu się do założeń pragmatyzmu i poststrukturalizmu. W zakończeniu autor wskazuje również na perturbacje, jakie może powodować w prawoznawstwie aplikowanie niektórych twierdzeń z obszaru teorii polityki opartych na poststrukturalistycznych założeniach.
{"title":"Prawo wobec polityki i polityczności. Czy instrumentalizacja prawa ma szansę odzyskać dobre imię?","authors":"A. Bator","doi":"10.12775/hip.2022.022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.022","url":null,"abstract":"W artykule autor próbuje „odczarować” negatywny obraz instrumentalizacji prawa, jaki został ukształtowany w literaturze teoretycznoprawnej. Polskie prawoznawstwo za sprawą doświadczeń tzw. realnego socjalizmu miało szczególne powody do uprzedzeń względem tej problematyki. W tekście wykorzystywane są teoretyczne inspiracje pochodzące spoza nauk prawnych (filozofia pragmatycznego instrumentalizmu Johna Deweya, koncepcja polityki Maxa Webera, koncepcja polityczności Chantal Mouffe) oraz stricte prawnicze teorie instrumentalizacji (Sanne Taekemy wariant pluralistyczno-responsywny, Wiesława Langa ujęcie rekonstrukcjonistyczne). Głównym przesłaniem opracowania jest zmiana problemowego podejścia do instrumentalizacji prawa: zastąpienie tradycyjnego pytania o granice instrumentalizacji prawa stanowionego przez państwo pytaniem, jak prawo – nie ryzykując utraty swoich zasadniczych wartości i funkcji – może kooperować z naturalną skłonnością ludzi do instrumentalizowania swojego zachowania w warunkach demokratycznego, pluralistycznego społeczeństwa. Tezy artykułu osadzone są w liberalnej wizji porządku społecznego, jednak z istotną korektą polegającą na odwołaniu się do założeń pragmatyzmu i poststrukturalizmu. W zakończeniu autor wskazuje również na perturbacje, jakie może powodować w prawoznawstwie aplikowanie niektórych twierdzeń z obszaru teorii polityki opartych na poststrukturalistycznych założeniach.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46742558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents basic methods and measures used to conduct social influence operations, indicating their metamorphosis associated with conditions characteristic for shaping public opinion by the Russian Federation and Belarus. Furthermore, the analysis covered mechanisms of informational influence used when creating accusations directed at the Polish Central PSYOPS Group, concerning conducting subversive activities in Belarus. The emphasis is put on their comprehensive nature, enabling effective influence both on international entities, and on individual targets. A significant part of this article concerns an analysis focusing on distribution of information, as well as applied techniques, tools and communication channels, used in social influence operations. The influence and the role of mass media in shaping of awareness was presented, revealing mechanisms for creating the cognitive space.
{"title":"Social Influence Operations of the Russian Federation and Belarus in a Context of Accusations against the Polish Central PSYOPS Group of Conducting Subversive Activity in Belarus","authors":"Jarosław Wiśnicki","doi":"10.12775/hip.2022.015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.015","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents basic methods and measures used to conduct social influence operations, indicating their metamorphosis associated with conditions characteristic for shaping public opinion by the Russian Federation and Belarus. Furthermore, the analysis covered mechanisms of informational influence used when creating accusations directed at the Polish Central PSYOPS Group, concerning conducting subversive activities in Belarus. The emphasis is put on their comprehensive nature, enabling effective influence both on international entities, and on individual targets. A significant part of this article concerns an analysis focusing on distribution of information, as well as applied techniques, tools and communication channels, used in social influence operations. The influence and the role of mass media in shaping of awareness was presented, revealing mechanisms for creating the cognitive space.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45327188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, commonly known as the Istanbul Convention, and in Poland also as the anti-violence convention, was opened for signature in Istanbul on May 11, 2011. Turkey was one of the first countries to sign and ratify the document. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, then as Prime Minister-in-Office, was one of the great advocates of Ankara ratifying the Convention. However, the politician, already as president, “celebrated” the Republic’s decade-long presence in the Convention by signing a decree in March 2021 annulling Turkey’s ratification of the document. The text aims to analyse Turkey’s involvement in the preparation and subsequent adoption of the Istanbul Convention in the context of building Turkish soft power on the Old Continent. The text structure is as follows: the first part will define the concept of soft power and analyse the evolution of Turkish soft power. Then, the Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence will be described, and the next part will chronologically describe the presence of the Republic in the Convention. The last part analyses Turkey’s activities related to the preparation and adoption of the Istanbul Convention in the context of building Turkish soft power in Europe.
{"title":"Turkey’s Presence in the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence in the Context of Turkey’s Soft Power","authors":"Elżbieta Szyszlak","doi":"10.12775/hip.2022.014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.014","url":null,"abstract":"The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, commonly known as the Istanbul Convention, and in Poland also as the anti-violence convention, was opened for signature in Istanbul on May 11, 2011. Turkey was one of the first countries to sign and ratify the document. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, then as Prime Minister-in-Office, was one of the great advocates of Ankara ratifying the Convention. However, the politician, already as president, “celebrated” the Republic’s decade-long presence in the Convention by signing a decree in March 2021 annulling Turkey’s ratification of the document. The text aims to analyse Turkey’s involvement in the preparation and subsequent adoption of the Istanbul Convention in the context of building Turkish soft power on the Old Continent. The text structure is as follows: the first part will define the concept of soft power and analyse the evolution of Turkish soft power. Then, the Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence will be described, and the next part will chronologically describe the presence of the Republic in the Convention. The last part analyses Turkey’s activities related to the preparation and adoption of the Istanbul Convention in the context of building Turkish soft power in Europe.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42804903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article reveals the processes of social integration of the Roma in Montenegro in 2006–2017. The author analyses the performances of the government regarding the Roma issue. The article also shows that the Roma socialization process is an essential premise for Montenegro in their determination to European integration, which requires substantial adjustment and improvements in the legal system. In the research, the author assesses official documents concerning the Roma, which shows that the Roma community complies with a significant part of the overall Montenegrin population. Interestingly, almost two-thirds of Roma in Montenegro arrived at the country during the war in Kosovo in 1999–2000 and then received the status of internally displaced persons what made them hostages of international law for the decade. In addition, considering the social and cultural differences of the ethnic group with other nations living in the country, the integration process into the Montenegrin society is a real challenge for the state. The problem of social adaptation of the Roma is a topical issue for national welfare and security not only for Montenegro but for the whole of Central and Eastern Europe. Being a participant of the regional initiative “The Decade of Roma Inclusion” since 2005, the government of Montenegro have actively advanced the national legal system, developed and implemented projects for dwellings, education and culture of the Roma community. It is also noticeable that solving the Roma issue in the country correlates with the foreign policy objectives such as European and Euro-Atlantic integration. The author provides different examples to prove that in the first eleven years of independence, the government of Montenegro managed to make significant steps forward to the acceptance of European values through strenuous legal reforms.
{"title":"Social Integration Processes of the Roma in Montenegro in 2006–2017","authors":"Yuliia Samoilenko","doi":"10.12775/hip.2022.016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.016","url":null,"abstract":"The article reveals the processes of social integration of the Roma in Montenegro in 2006–2017. The author analyses the performances of the government regarding the Roma issue. The article also shows that the Roma socialization process is an essential premise for Montenegro in their determination to European integration, which requires substantial adjustment and improvements in the legal system. In the research, the author assesses official documents concerning the Roma, which shows that the Roma community complies with a significant part of the overall Montenegrin population. Interestingly, almost two-thirds of Roma in Montenegro arrived at the country during the war in Kosovo in 1999–2000 and then received the status of internally displaced persons what made them hostages of international law for the decade. In addition, considering the social and cultural differences of the ethnic group with other nations living in the country, the integration process into the Montenegrin society is a real challenge for the state. The problem of social adaptation of the Roma is a topical issue for national welfare and security not only for Montenegro but for the whole of Central and Eastern Europe. Being a participant of the regional initiative “The Decade of Roma Inclusion” since 2005, the government of Montenegro have actively advanced the national legal system, developed and implemented projects for dwellings, education and culture of the Roma community. It is also noticeable that solving the Roma issue in the country correlates with the foreign policy objectives such as European and Euro-Atlantic integration. The author provides different examples to prove that in the first eleven years of independence, the government of Montenegro managed to make significant steps forward to the acceptance of European values through strenuous legal reforms.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45574271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the article was to analyze the causes and consequences of the great economic crisis in Poland in the context of the world economy and the global crisis. The first symptoms of the crisis became evident in June 1929, when production began to decline, and in August that year price drop began. After these events, the economic situation in Poland was systematically deteriorating. The year 1935 can be considered the end of the crisis in Poland, despite the fact that the industrial crisis began to break through gradually already in 1933. The great economic crisis was a global phenomenon, even though it did not start in all countries at the same time. It depended on the internal economic situation of each of them. It stood out against the background of previous economic crises due to the fact that only the introduction of state interventionism in the form of the “New Deal” program in the USA brought about an improvement in the situation, and therefore, in 1933, some economic recovery began in the world. However, in some parts of the world (including Poland), due to the specific features of their economies, the crisis lasted until 1935. The crisis of 1929–1935 was rightly called “the great crisis”, not only because of economic problems, but also due to political consequences, i.e., the strengthening of totalitarian systems in Western Europe and the growing importance of the communist movement around the world (the USSR was the only country not affected by its consequences). The great economic crisis was characterized by: longevity – in industrial countries it lasted until 1933, and in agricultural countries until 1935; depth of impact – it covered all areas of the economy: industry, agriculture, domestic and foreign trade, transport, monetary and credit system; wide geographic scope – it covered all countries of the world connected with the world capitalist system and capitalist economies; the scale of the decline in economic growth rates – in the history of economic crises to date, the world economy has not experienced such a deep collapse and stagnation.
{"title":"The Great Economic Crisis in Poland (1929–1935) in the Context of the Global Crisis","authors":"Zbigniew Klimiuk","doi":"10.12775/hip.2022.011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.011","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article was to analyze the causes and consequences of the great economic crisis in Poland in the context of the world economy and the global crisis. The first symptoms of the crisis became evident in June 1929, when production began to decline, and in August that year price drop began. After these events, the economic situation in Poland was systematically deteriorating. The year 1935 can be considered the end of the crisis in Poland, despite the fact that the industrial crisis began to break through gradually already in 1933. The great economic crisis was a global phenomenon, even though it did not start in all countries at the same time. It depended on the internal economic situation of each of them. It stood out against the background of previous economic crises due to the fact that only the introduction of state interventionism in the form of the “New Deal” program in the USA brought about an improvement in the situation, and therefore, in 1933, some economic recovery began in the world. However, in some parts of the world (including Poland), due to the specific features of their economies, the crisis lasted until 1935. The crisis of 1929–1935 was rightly called “the great crisis”, not only because of economic problems, but also due to political consequences, i.e., the strengthening of totalitarian systems in Western Europe and the growing importance of the communist movement around the world (the USSR was the only country not affected by its consequences). The great economic crisis was characterized by: \u0000 \u0000longevity – in industrial countries it lasted until 1933, and in agricultural countries until 1935; \u0000depth of impact – it covered all areas of the economy: industry, agriculture, domestic and foreign trade, transport, monetary and credit system; \u0000wide geographic scope – it covered all countries of the world connected with the world capitalist system and capitalist economies; \u0000the scale of the decline in economic growth rates – in the history of economic crises to date, the world economy has not experienced such a deep collapse and stagnation. \u0000","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41620667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The objective of this research is to assess the defence partnership of Russia and China after the Cold War period. This study analyses the military cooperation and strategic relation of Russia and China in the post-Cold War period. Further, the article highlights the main contradicting areas between the United States of America (USA) and the Russia-China alliance in international politics. It also elucidates the Russia-China relationship across the diplomatic paradigm and economic aspects in the global economic system. China’s flagship economic New Silk Road Initiative is a challenging concept for the US on land and maritime across the world. Thus, the study uses the research question: how do China and Russia compete with the US challenges in the new world order? The qualitative comparative method is used to investigate answers to the research questions and objectives of this study. This article attempts to use an analytical framework to describe the countries’ vision for joint development in the area of security issues. Russia and China have deep military cooperation and commit to working together against the US domination in the Asia Pacific and other parts of the world. In a conclusion it is stated that Russia and China have been accelerating bilateral military cooperation in a positive direction, which is a success story between both countries, and the US is facing stiff competition in Asia as well as in the Asia Pacific Region (APR).
{"title":"China-Russia Bilateral Security and Military Partnership in Changing World Order: Security Challenges for the United States of America in Asia and Beyond","authors":"M. Bharti","doi":"10.12775/hip.2022.018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.018","url":null,"abstract":"The objective of this research is to assess the defence partnership of Russia and China after the Cold War period. This study analyses the military cooperation and strategic relation of Russia and China in the post-Cold War period. Further, the article highlights the main contradicting areas between the United States of America (USA) and the Russia-China alliance in international politics. It also elucidates the Russia-China relationship across the diplomatic paradigm and economic aspects in the global economic system. China’s flagship economic New Silk Road Initiative is a challenging concept for the US on land and maritime across the world. Thus, the study uses the research question: how do China and Russia compete with the US challenges in the new world order? The qualitative comparative method is used to investigate answers to the research questions and objectives of this study. This article attempts to use an analytical framework to describe the countries’ vision for joint development in the area of security issues. Russia and China have deep military cooperation and commit to working together against the US domination in the Asia Pacific and other parts of the world. In a conclusion it is stated that Russia and China have been accelerating bilateral military cooperation in a positive direction, which is a success story between both countries, and the US is facing stiff competition in Asia as well as in the Asia Pacific Region (APR).","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42741168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：