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From Generation to Generation 代代相传
Pub Date : 2019-10-10 DOI: 10.4000/irpp.672
Donald E. Abelson
This study offers a series of reflections on the evolution of think tanks in Europe and the United States. In addition to exploring how these organizations have come to place a higher premium on political advocacy than rigorous policy research, the article raises a series of questions about how the preoccupation of think tanks with their global rankings, and their desire to inundate stakeholders with quick response policy research, can have serious implications for how policymakers formulate public policy. In the end, this study argues that for think tanks to serve the public interest, they need to engage in scientific research that adheres to proper and verifiable academic standards. Otherwise, these organizations will join the growing chorus of voices whose only interest is to serve their own institutional goals and those of their benefactors.
本研究提供了对欧美智库演进的一系列思考。除了探讨这些组织如何将政治宣传置于比严格的政策研究更重要的位置之外,文章还提出了一系列问题,即智库对其全球排名的关注,以及他们希望用快速反应的政策研究淹没利益相关者的愿望,如何对政策制定者如何制定公共政策产生严重影响。最后,本研究认为,智库要服务于公众利益,就需要从事符合适当和可验证的学术标准的科学研究。否则,这些组织将加入越来越多的声音,这些声音的唯一兴趣是服务于他们自己的机构目标和他们的捐助者。
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引用次数: 2
Where is the EU’s Migrant Integration Policy Heading? 欧盟的移民融合政策走向何方?
Pub Date : 2019-10-10 DOI: 10.4000/irpp.396
P. G. V. Wolleghem
This article investigates the trajectory the EU’s policy on the integration of migrants has followed in approximately 20 years of its existence. Drawing upon neofunctionalist theory, it aims to assess whether the EU’s role in the matter is expanding or stalling. Empirically, this article considers the succession of financial schemes explicitly tackling integration, in light of the fact that they constitute valuable indicators of the direction, breadth and stringency of a given policy. I therefore compare the funds allocated to integration in the 2007-2013, 2014-2020 and 2021-2027 multiannual financial frameworks. I find that the process underway is dual: whilst the EU’s role is clearly receding in terms of substantive policy points, it appears to be widening on the procedural side.
本文调查了欧盟移民融合政策在其存在约20年来的发展轨迹。它借鉴了新功能主义理论,旨在评估欧盟在这一问题上的作用是在扩大还是停滞不前。根据经验,本文考虑了一系列明确涉及一体化的金融计划,因为它们构成了特定政策方向、广度和严格性的宝贵指标。因此,我比较了2007-2013年、2014-2020年和2021-2027年多年度财务框架中分配给一体化的资金。我发现正在进行的进程是双重的:虽然欧盟在实质性政策方面的作用明显在减弱,但在程序方面似乎在扩大。
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引用次数: 4
Fixing Federal Faults. Complementary Member State Policies in Swiss Health Care Policy 纠正联邦政府的错误。瑞士保健政策中的补充成员国政策
Pub Date : 2019-10-10 DOI: 10.4000/irpp.426
F. Sager, Christian Rüefli, Eva Thomann
This article aims to understand what makes member states complement federal healthcare policy beyond the instruments planned by federal policy. We employ a Multiple Streams approach to study how Swiss member states use their discretion in order to complement federal healthcare regulation with the aim of decreasing outpatient healthcare expenditures at the cantonal level. Based on a written survey in the Swiss cantons, we perform a Fuzzy Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA), which places a keen emphasis on complex patterns. The method identifies what combinations of determinants make it particularly likely that a canton opts for complementary policy activity. Several configurations prove to foster such activity. While this is important, it is also important to pay attention to the constellations that precisely do not foster complementary policy activity. Our analysis of the cantonal choices on governing outpatient healthcare reveals that party politics in the executive and/or the public administration play a major role in this task, whereas neither organized interests within the medical profession nor individual policy entrepreneurs are crucial. Federalist systems offer opportunities for policy innovations the federal level ultimately may benefit from.
本文旨在了解是什么使成员国在联邦政策计划的工具之外补充联邦医疗保健政策。我们采用多流方法来研究瑞士成员国如何使用他们的自由裁量权,以补充联邦医疗保健法规,目的是在州一级减少门诊医疗保健支出。基于对瑞士各州的书面调查,我们进行了模糊集定性比较分析(fsQCA),着重于复杂模式。该方法确定了决定因素的哪些组合使一个州特别有可能选择补充性的政策活动。有几种配置可以促进这种活动。虽然这很重要,但同样重要的是要注意那些恰恰不能促进互补政策活动的星座。我们对管理门诊医疗保健的国家选择的分析表明,行政和/或公共行政部门的政党政治在这项任务中发挥了主要作用,而医疗专业内部的组织利益和个人政策企业家都不重要。联邦制为政策创新提供了机会,联邦政府最终可能从中受益。
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引用次数: 4
Storytelling and Policy Transfer 讲故事和政策转移
Pub Date : 2019-10-10 DOI: 10.4000/irpp.485
Titilayo Soremi
This article argues that policy narratives underpin the mechanisms driving policy transfers. It applies the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) to examine the policy narratives of the transfer agent and recipient, involved in the introduction of disaster risk reduction policy to West Africa. The article analyses the narrative setting, character, plot and moral depicted by the actors in their policy narratives and explains how these narrative elements informed the observation of the transfer mechanism of obligation.
本文认为,政策叙事支撑着推动政策转移的机制。它应用叙事政策框架(NPF)来检查转移代理和接受者的政策叙述,涉及向西非引入减少灾害风险政策。本文分析了政策叙事中的叙事背景、人物、情节和道德,并解释了这些叙事要素如何影响对义务转移机制的观察。
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引用次数: 5
Single-issue Ratifiers or Political Deliberators? 单一议题的批准者还是政治审议者?
Pub Date : 2019-06-17 DOI: 10.4000/IRPP.293
S. Pukallus
This paper examines how the European Commission interprets and applies the participatory norm in practice according to constructed strategic contexts. By taking a historical comparative approach and focusing on two examples it shows how, following the Maastricht ‘crisis’ (1992-1998), the participatory norm in the form of debate and dialogue referred simply to a restricted discussion of Single Market rights (DD1). This was a rather limited, one-phased technical discussion on a single issue with an attendant conception of the public as single-issue ratifiers of already existing policies. In contrast, the aftermath of the Constitutional ‘crisis’ (2005-09) led to a conception of debate and dialogue as ‘open-ended’ (DD2); that is, a reflexive wide-ranging amorphous discussion on various and almost randomly chosen topics. DD2 assumed a public of able political discussants, of reflexive and skilful deliberators. What DD1, DD2 and their respective publics show is that when the participatory norm is applied, neither the form of debate and dialogue nor the publics are necessarily defined through universal democratic principles of political involvement and entitlements but rather in terms of expediency and contingent abilities to meet the needs of the European Commission’s strategic agenda at any one time.
本文考察了欧盟委员会如何根据构建的战略语境,在实践中解释和应用参与性规范。通过采用历史比较的方法,并着重于两个例子,它表明,在马斯特里赫特“危机”(1992-1998)之后,辩论和对话形式的参与性规范如何仅仅涉及对单一市场权利的有限讨论(DD1)。这是对单一问题进行的相当有限的、一阶段的技术讨论,附带的概念是公众是现有政策的单一问题批准者。相比之下,宪法“危机”(2005-09)的后果导致辩论和对话的概念是“开放式的”(DD2);也就是说,对各种几乎随机选择的主题进行反思性的广泛无定形的讨论。DD2假定公众是一群有能力的政治讨论者,一群深思熟虑和有技巧的审议者。DD1, DD2和他们各自的公众表明,当参与规范被应用时,无论是辩论和对话的形式还是公众都不一定通过政治参与和权利的普遍民主原则来定义,而是根据权宜之计和偶然能力来满足欧盟委员会在任何时候的战略议程的需要。
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引用次数: 2
Strategic Policy Overreaction as a Risky Policy Investment 战略政策过度反应是一种高风险的政策投资
Pub Date : 2019-06-17 DOI: 10.4000/IRPP.277
M. Maor
Policy overreaction is a policy that imposes objective and/or perceived social costs without producing offsetting objective and/or perceived benefits. It is therefore an objective fact and, at the same time, a matter of interpretation. Policy scholars tend to view this duality as a problematic ontological issue and to categorize such policies as errors of commission or omission. This article builds on (i)the aforementioned duality and (ii)a recent conceptual turn whereby this concept is re-entering the policy lexicon as a type of deliberate policy choice. This may be motivated by, among other factors, political executives’ desire to pander to public opinion, appear informed to voters, and signal extremity. The article assigns specific policy overreaction responses to two dimensions: the scale of policy in terms of objective costs and benefits, and public perceptions of policy. The derived policy taxonomy highlights four distinct empirical categories, which are elaborated and exemplified here, as well as a set of hypotheses about differing patterns of politics and governance associated with the design of these policy choices. These distinctions should facilitate a more systematic empirical test of strategic policy overreaction as a risky policy investment.
政策过度反应是一种强加客观和/或感知社会成本而没有产生抵消客观和//或感知利益的政策。因此,这是一个客观事实,同时也是一个解释问题。政策学者倾向于将这种双重性视为一个有问题的本体论问题,并将此类政策归类为委托或不作为的错误。本文建立在(i)上述二元性和(ii)最近的概念转变的基础上,即这一概念作为一种深思熟虑的政策选择重新进入政策词典。除其他因素外,这可能是出于政治高管迎合公众舆论、向选民展示信息以及表明极端的愿望。文章将具体的政策过度反应反应归因于两个维度:客观成本和收益方面的政策规模,以及公众对政策的看法。衍生的政策分类法强调了四个不同的经验类别,这些类别在这里进行了阐述和举例说明,以及关于与这些政策选择的设计相关的不同政治和治理模式的一组假设。这些区别应该有助于对作为风险政策投资的战略政策过度反应进行更系统的实证检验。
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引用次数: 10
Procedural Policy Tools and the Temporal Dimensions of Policy Design 程序性政策工具与政策设计的时间维度
Pub Date : 2019-06-17 DOI: 10.4000/IRPP.310
Michael Howlett
In recent years work on policy design and instrument choice has advanced towards a better understanding of the nature of policy mixes, their dimensions, and the trade-offs between choices of tools, as well as the identification of basic design criteria such as coherence, consistency and congruence among policy elements. However, most of this work has ignored the temporal dimension of mixes or has studied this only as an important contextual variable affecting instrument choices, for example, highlighting the manner in which tools and mixes often evolve in unexpected or unintended ways as they age. This ignores the important issue of the intentional sequencing of tools as part of a mix design, either in terms of controlling spillovers which emerge as implementation proceeds, ratcheting up (or down) specific tool effects like stringency of implementation and public consultation as time passes. This article reviews existing work on the unintentional sequencing of policy activity as well as the lessons which can be derived from the few works existing on the subject of intentional sequencing. In so doing, it helps define a research agenda on the subject with the expectation that this research can improve the resilience and robustness of policies over time.
近年来,政策设计和工具选择方面的工作已朝着更好地理解政策组合的性质、其层面、工具选择之间的权衡,以及确定政策要素之间的一致性、一致性和一致性等基本设计标准的方向发展。然而,这项工作中的大多数都忽略了混音的时间维度,或者只将其作为影响乐器选择的一个重要的上下文变量来研究,例如,强调了工具和混音随着年龄的增长往往以意想不到或意想不到的方式发展。这忽略了作为组合设计一部分的工具有意排序的重要问题,无论是在控制实施过程中出现的溢出方面,还是在随着时间的推移而增加(或减少)具体的工具效果,如实施的严格性和公众咨询。本文回顾了关于政策活动无意排序的现有工作,以及可以从现有的关于有意排序主题的少数工作中得出的经验教训。这样做有助于确定该主题的研究议程,期望这项研究能够随着时间的推移提高政策的弹性和稳健性。
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引用次数: 48
Democracy, Authoritarianism, and Policy Punctuations 民主、威权主义和政策标点符号
Pub Date : 2019-06-17 DOI: 10.4000/IRPP.318
B. Jones, Derek A. Epp, F. Baumgartner
Do democracies perform better than more autocratic political systems? Most existing literature focuses on single issues, such as maintaining the peace, avoiding famines, or promoting stable economic growth. The key to policy success for all these and other issues is adaptive policymaking in complex, dynamic environments. Relying on theory and empirical tests from policy process studies, we focus on extreme policy punctuations as indicators of maladaptive policymaking. We conceive of a continuum from the most open democracies to the most closed authoritarian systems, with intermediate forms of less open democracies, hybrid regimes, and less closed authoritarian systems. Based on a review of the existing literature, we extract four factors that seem to affect maladaptive and hence more punctuated policymaking: friction imposed by formal rules and informal norms on the policymaking process, the absence of incentives to address problems, centralization in policymaking, and lack of diversity in channels of information. Many of these factors cluster, so it is difficult to discern their specific effects, but our approach allows a start at doing so.
民主制度比专制政治制度表现得更好吗?现有文献大多聚焦于单一问题,如维持和平、避免饥荒或促进经济稳定增长。所有这些问题和其他问题的政策成功的关键是在复杂、动态的环境中制定适应性政策。依托政策过程研究的理论和实证检验,我们将重点放在极端政策标点符号作为政策制定不适应的指标上。我们设想了一个连续体,从最开放的民主政体到最封闭的威权政体,中间形式是不太开放的民主政体、混合政体和不太封闭的威权政体。在回顾现有文献的基础上,我们提取了四个因素,它们似乎会影响适应不良,从而导致政策制定更加断断续续:正式规则和非正式规范对政策制定过程施加的摩擦、缺乏解决问题的激励、政策制定的集中化以及信息渠道的缺乏多样性。许多这些因素聚集在一起,因此很难辨别它们的具体影响,但我们的方法允许开始这样做。
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引用次数: 28
Editor’s Note Editor’s音符
Pub Date : 2019-06-17 DOI: 10.4000/irpp.360
Claudio M. Radaelli
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the State: Global Policy and Transnational Administration 超越国家:全球政策与跨国管理
Pub Date : 2019-06-17 DOI: 10.4000/IRPP.344
K. Moloney, D. Stone
The conceptual distance between the sovereign state and the global domain of policy making and administration is narrowing, challenging the prevailing methodological nationalism. The rise of global policy and transnational administration necessitates new conversations for traditional, often domestically focused, public policy and public administration studies. By expanding our analytical, theoretical, conceptual, and even our pedagogical approaches to include the kaleidoscope of global governance actors, levels of analysis, sectors, and concepts, not only is our policy research enhanced and deepened, but our ability to engage this complexity is enhanced.
主权国家与全球政策制定和管理领域之间的概念距离正在缩小,这对盛行的方法论民族主义构成了挑战。全球政策和跨国管理的兴起需要对传统的、往往以国内为重点的公共政策和公共管理研究进行新的对话。通过扩大我们的分析、理论、概念甚至教学方法,将全球治理参与者的万花筒、分析水平、部门和概念包括在内,我们的政策研究不仅得到了加强和深化,而且我们参与这种复杂性的能力也得到了增强。
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引用次数: 19
期刊
International Review of Public Policy
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