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Africa: The Journal of the International African Institute最新文献

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Afterword 后记
Pub Date : 2017-08-03 DOI: 10.1017/9781316665985.009
M. Lambek
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引用次数: 0
The Gender of Piety: family, faith, and colonial rule in Matabeleland, Zimbabwe by Wendy Urban-Mead (review) 《虔诚的性别:津巴布韦马塔贝莱兰的家庭、信仰与殖民统治》作者:温迪·厄Urban-Mead
Pub Date : 2017-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972017000183
C. Shaw
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引用次数: 2
A Nervous State: violence, remedies, and reverie in colonial Congo by Nancy Rose Hunt (review) 《紧张的状态:刚果殖民地的暴力、补救和幻想》,南希·罗斯·亨特著
Pub Date : 2017-04-21 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972016001091
Reuben A. Loffman
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引用次数: 0
From Slavery to Aid: politics, labour, and ecology in the Nigerien Sahel, 1800–2000 by Benedetta Rossi (review) 从奴隶制到援助:尼日尔萨赫勒地区的政治、劳工和生态,1800-2000
Pub Date : 2017-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972016000772
G. Mann
By putting in the same phrase two phenomena usually considered to be chronologically and conceptually distinct, the title of Benedetta Rossi’s From Slavery to Aid expresses the signal contribution of this compelling work. The product of some twenty years of research in Ader – roughly the southern half of the contemporary Nigerien administrative region of Tahoua – Rossi’s book makes multiple, linked arguments that are not quite accurately captured in its subtitle, Politics, labour, and ecology in the Nigerien Sahel. Nor can they be readily encapsulated in a single review. That said, the book’s central question is why, in this area of the Sahara-Sahel, slavery has proven so resilient and a transformation in labour so elusive in the context of scarcity and ecological adversity. The question, and indeed the circumstance, is particular to the region, which is in turn largely defined by its ecology. Ader straddles the sharp edge of the Sahel. Rain-fed agriculture is feasible, but hardly profitable. Herders practise transhumance. Apart from long-distance trade, which absorbs relatively little labour, there is no productive activity that would support a sustainable wage. In the twentieth century, migration became the clear alternative to penury, particularly given the relatively high wages available in Nigeria, but nearly all migrants were male. In short, labourers are available – in a region in which the population has grown rapidly without ever becoming dense – yet labour is unobtainable or unprofitable. How to square this circle? Coercion. Such coercion, it turns out, has a complex history in Ader. Before the French conquest, local forms of governmentality – a Foucaultian concept to which Rossi is indebted but not wedded – relied on the control of movement rather than of territory. Rossi contrasts this practice of governing mobility, which she terms ‘kinetocracy’, with French ideas of government that were territorially bound, linking populations to specific locales. Through World War I, the former model prevailed. Tuareg ‘chiefs’ of the Iwellemmeden Kel Denneg and Kel Gress, who mastered both mobility and the means of violence, demanded ready access to the scarce resources of sedentary Hausa and Asna communities. They extracted from the peasantry more or less at will, but had little else at stake in the ability of those communities to reproduce themselves. After a brutal (and late) military conquest of the region, French colonizers followed much the same pattern. In a difficult environment very weakly penetrated by capital, they procured labour and extracted resources by force, irrespective of the supposed end of slavery. In short, facing similar ecological constraints but drawing on two distinct governing ideologies, Tuareg chiefs and French officers pursued much the same solution. That began to change in 1946, when such long-standing practices were thrown into question by the abolition of the colonial administrative ‘code’ known as the indigénat, wh
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引用次数: 0
Unreasonable Histories: nativism, multiracial lives, and the genealogical imagination in British Africa by Christopher J. Lee (review) 《不合理的历史:本土主义、多种族生活和英属非洲的谱系想象》,克里斯托弗·j·李著(书评)
Pub Date : 2017-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972016000784
R. Heinze
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引用次数: 1
The Fruits of Freedom in British Togoland: literacy, politics and nationalism, 1914–2014 by Kate Skinner (review) 《英属多哥兰的自由果实:文学、政治和民族主义,1914-2014》作者:凯特·斯金纳
Pub Date : 2017-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972016000802
P. Nugent
Inyati Boys’ Industrial and Agricultural Institution. An ‘urbane man’whowas on speaking terms with the local NC, andwho wore a hat as a sign of ‘his distinction’ (p. 55), Njokweni had his hat knocked off by the assistant NC, Tapson, for a perceived display of impudence. Tapping into debates regarding the role of white women in the colonial enterprise, Shutt moves to examine the position of a colonial wife, Rose Comberbach. Shutt details how Comberbach became avocal critic of the policy of cattle culling, undermining white patriarchal prerogatives and ‘racial etiquette’ by speaking on behalf of the African population (p. 72). Continuing with white women, Chapter 3, ‘Etiquette and integration’, examines how white women were perceived as ‘conduits of good manners’ (p. 78), who played a central role in promoting ‘the lessons of racial etiquette’ (p. 91). As Shutt argues, instilling ‘proper’ manners into one’s African servants was seen as part and parcel of being a ‘good Rhodesian’ (p. 98). While Chapter 4, ‘Courtesy and rudeness’, does note that the relative political ‘liberalism’ of the Federation years saw a slight relaxation of the rules of etiquette, on the whole, the regulation of manners continued. Interestingly, Shutt notes that, during this period, the African press was ‘chock-full of stories about ill-mannered whites bullying courteous and deferential Africans’ (p. 119). In Chapter 5, ‘Violence and hospitality’, Shutt notes the increasing irrelevance of white attempts to promote an ‘image of friendly race relations’ (p. 138) in the context of the growing tide of African nationalism. In concluding, Shutt argues for a greater appraisal of ‘white ideals about courtesy and rudeness’ (p. 177), demonstrating that ‘in the end as at the beginning, manners mattered’ (p. 179). Persuasively argued and lucidly written, Manners is an important contribution to the existing literature. In particular, Shutt deserves praise for her judicious treatment of African nationalism, as she does not ‘read’ proto-nationalism where there is scant evidence of it. In summation, this book is likely to have a wide appeal not only to scholars and students of Zimbabwe, but to a broader range of social historians who are interested in understanding the complex ways in which power was exercised in the name of European colonialism.
因雅提男童工农业机构。Njokweni是一个“彬彬有礼的人”,与当地的全国代表大会保持着良好的关系,他戴着一顶帽子作为“他的杰出”的标志(第55页),他的帽子被助理全国代表大会的塔普森摘掉了,因为他认为这是一种无礼的表现。利用关于白人妇女在殖民事业中的角色的争论,休特开始审视一位殖民地妻子罗斯·康伯巴赫(Rose Comberbach)的地位。Shutt详细描述了康伯巴赫是如何通过代表非洲人口发言而成为对杀牛政策的直言不讳的批评者,破坏了白人的父权特权和“种族礼仪”(第72页)。接着是白人女性,第3章“礼仪与融合”,研究了白人女性如何被视为“良好礼仪的管道”(第78页),她们在促进“种族礼仪课程”(第91页)中发挥了核心作用。正如Shutt所说,向非洲仆人灌输“适当的”礼仪被视为成为“好罗德西亚人”的一部分(第98页)。虽然第四章“礼貌与粗鲁”确实指出,联邦时期相对的政治“自由主义”使得礼仪规则略有放松,但总体而言,礼仪规则仍在继续。有趣的是,Shutt注意到,在这一时期,非洲媒体“充斥着关于不礼貌的白人欺负礼貌和恭敬的非洲人的故事”(第119页)。在第5章“暴力与好客”中,Shutt指出,在非洲民族主义浪潮日益高涨的背景下,白人试图促进“友好种族关系形象”(第138页)的努力越来越无关紧要。最后,Shutt主张对“白人关于礼貌和粗鲁的理想”进行更大的评价(第177页),证明“最终和开始一样,礼仪很重要”(第179页)。有说服力的论证和清晰的写作,礼仪是一个重要的贡献,现有的文学。特别是,Shutt对非洲民族主义的明智处理值得称赞,因为她没有“阅读”缺乏证据的原始民族主义。总之,这本书可能不仅对津巴布韦的学者和学生有广泛的吸引力,而且对更广泛的社会历史学家有兴趣,他们对了解以欧洲殖民主义的名义行使权力的复杂方式感兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Photography in Africa: ethnographic perspectives by Richard Vokes (ed.) (review) 非洲摄影:理查德·沃克斯的民族志视角(编辑)(评论)
Pub Date : 2013-12-27 DOI: 10.1353/AFR.2013.0053
Urte Undine Frömming
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引用次数: 0
Becoming Muslim in Mainland Tanzania, 1890–2000 by Felicitas Becker (review) 菲利塔斯·贝克尔(Felicitas Becker)在坦桑尼亚大陆成为穆斯林,1890-2000
Pub Date : 2013-12-27 DOI: 10.1353/AFR.2013.0051
Preben Kaarsholm
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引用次数: 0
Forest and Labor in Madagascar: from colonial concession to global biosphere by Genese Marie Sodikoff (review) 马达加斯加的森林与劳工:从殖民租界到全球生物圈作者:Genese Marie Sodikoff
Pub Date : 2013-12-27 DOI: 10.1353/AFR.2013.0060
Jeffrey C. Kaufmann
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引用次数: 0
The Time of Youth: work, social change, and politics in Africa by Alcinda Honwana (review) 《青年时代:非洲的工作、社会变革和政治》作者:阿尔辛达·洪瓦纳
Pub Date : 2013-12-27 DOI: 10.1353/afr.2013.0058
J. Gilbert
anthropological literature. She takes her readers on a wonderful tour along the underbelly of conservation work in order to give them a clear understanding of how labour plays out in a political economy ruled mainly by conservation stakeholders. Sodikoff uses theory to guide the empirical results of her field studies, rather than as an engine hammering down points. For example, she uses Marx’s materialist theory as a touchstone to help her derive insights about the contradictions of conservation, thereby avoiding the reduction of history, societal relations, and labour into a flattened Marxist space of victims and victimizers. Instead she brings the lives of Malagasy, with their limited choices, closer to her readers. Sodikoff has a clear sense of her audience, nurturing our interest in their lives by changing the pace and tenor of the narrative, integrating masterful descriptions of on-the-ground experiences with ethnohistorical scholarship and ethnographic findings. There are few faults worth noting. She might have strengthened her argument by discussing the attack in the conservation literature upon Malagasy loyalty to kin ( fihavanana) in the form of contriving local societal rules (dina) against conservation transgressors. But, in her defence, conservation policy makers only appropriated local rules to serve a conservation master after the ICDP experiments proved untenable. Sodikoff’s field study was done during the ICDP period. It is worth noting that Sodikoff is caught in something of a contradiction herself: that she is a cultural anthropologist who has spent time labouring in the conservation sector, and yet has a deep regard and concern for the sustainability of Malagasy lives vis-à-vis crushing poverty. Too few cultural anthropologists embrace this contradiction and try, as Sodikoff does, to lift their voices above a murmured string of curses aimed at conservation projects. She offers no way out of the contradiction other than embracing it and enlivening the conversation that needs to take place about ‘people and parks’ in the light of the failures of the last conversation that ground to a halt with the inept ICDP projects.
文学人类学。为了让读者清楚地了解劳工在主要由环保利益相关者统治的政治经济中是如何发挥作用的,她带领读者沿着环保工作的底层进行了一次精彩的旅行。Sodikoff用理论来指导她的实地研究的实证结果,而不是像一台发动机一样敲打点。例如,她使用马克思的唯物主义理论作为试金石,帮助她获得关于保护矛盾的见解,从而避免将历史,社会关系和劳动减少到一个扁平的受害者和加害者的马克思主义空间。相反,她将选择有限的马达加斯加人的生活拉近了读者的距离。索迪科夫对她的读者有着清晰的感觉,通过改变叙事的节奏和基调,将对实地经历的精湛描述与民族历史学术和民族志研究结果结合起来,培养了我们对他们生活的兴趣。没有什么缺点值得注意。她可以通过讨论保护文献中对马达加斯加人对亲属的忠诚(fihavanana)的攻击来加强她的论点,这种忠诚以制定当地社会规则(dina)的形式来反对保护违规者。但是,在她的辩护中,在ICDP实验被证明是站不住脚之后,保护政策制定者只是挪用了当地的规则来服务于保护大师。Sodikoff的实地研究是在ICDP期间进行的。值得注意的是,Sodikoff自己也陷入了某种矛盾之中:她是一名文化人类学家,花了很多时间在保护领域工作,但她对马达加斯加人生活的可持续性有着深刻的关注和关注,因为-à-vis极度贫困。很少有文化人类学家接受这种矛盾,并试图像索迪科夫那样,在针对保护项目的一连串喃喃咒骂中提高自己的声音。她没有提供任何解决矛盾的方法,除了接受它,并激活需要进行的关于“人与公园”的对话,鉴于上次对话的失败,该对话因ICDP项目的无能而停止。
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Africa: The Journal of the International African Institute
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