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6. In the Guise of Gods and Heroes: Portrait Heads on Roman Mythological Sarcophagi 6. 神与英雄的伪装:罗马神话石棺上的头像
Pub Date : 2010-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/9783110216783.189
Z. Newby
The Roman practice of adding portrait heads to the characters on mythological sarcophagi is well known. These faces with their individualised features and period hairstyles gaze out at us from the pages of handbooks and catalogues, giving a vivid impression of the way that Roman lives and deaths could be directly equated with the fates of mythological figures. Yet this very ubiquity begs a question: just how representative of the larger category of Roman mythological sarcophagi are the chests with portrait heads? The aim of this paper is to conduct a close analysis of mythological sarcophagi with portrait heads, to look at what the presence of portraits adds to the mythological scenes and to ask whether they should be seen as simply intensifying the message of a mythological scene or of altering and nuancing it in a particular way. Despite the familiarity of sarcophagi with portrait heads, little analysis of these chests as a group has been done. While readings of some individual pieces suggest that the addition of portrait heads sometimes refocused the meaning of a myth in surprising ways, the prevailing assumption among scholars seems to be that portrait features on sarcophagi merely reinforce the normal message of the mythological subject matter. For many scholars, the portraits simply make explicit a message which may be more muted elsewhere. In Koortbojian’s words ‘all mythological sarcophagi assert analogies; the presence of the portrait features of the deceased merely intensifies and particularizes the monument’s message’. Greater analysis of the sarcophagi with portrait heads might be expected from Henning Wrede’s discussion of images assimilating individuals with particular gods. This discusses a number of mythological sarcophagi alongside statues or reliefs which show individuals in the dress of, or with the attributes of, divine figures. However, Wrede’s focus is necessarily selective, and depends on
罗马人在神话石棺上给人物加上头像的做法是众所周知的。从手册和目录的页面上,这些具有个性化特征和时代发型的面孔凝视着我们,给人一种生动的印象,罗马人的生死可以直接等同于神话人物的命运。然而,这种无处不在的现象引出了一个问题:带头像的箱子在多大程度上代表了罗马神话中更大的一类石棺?这篇论文的目的是对带有头像的神话石棺进行仔细的分析,看看肖像的出现给神话场景增加了什么,并询问它们是否应该被视为只是强化了神话场景的信息,还是以一种特殊的方式改变和细微差别。尽管人们对石棺上的头像很熟悉,但对这些箱子作为一个整体的分析却很少。虽然对一些个别作品的解读表明,增加肖像头像有时会以令人惊讶的方式重新聚焦神话的意义,但学者们普遍认为,石棺上的肖像特征只是强化了神话主题的正常信息。对许多学者来说,这些肖像只是明确地传达了一种信息,而在其他地方可能会更加低调。用Koortbojian的话来说,“所有的神话石棺都主张类比;死者肖像特征的出现只会强化和特殊化纪念碑的信息。亨宁·弗雷德(Henning Wrede)关于将个人与特定的神同化的图像的讨论,可能会对带有头像的石棺进行更深入的分析。这里讨论了一些神话中的石棺和雕像或浮雕,这些雕像或浮雕展示了穿着神的衣服或具有神的属性的人。然而,Wrede的关注点必然是选择性的,并且取决于
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引用次数: 5
Frontmatter
Pub Date : 2010-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/9783110216783.fm
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引用次数: 0
1. Before Sarcophagi 1. 石棺前
Pub Date : 2010-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/9783110216783.21
G. Davies
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引用次数: 0
2. Habent sua fata: Writing life histories of Roman Sarcophagi 2. 写罗马石棺的生活史
Pub Date : 2010-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/9783110216783.55
J. Huskinson
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引用次数: 6
4. The Roman Sarcophagus ‘Industry’: a Reconsideration 4. 罗马石棺“工业”:反思
Pub Date : 2010-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/9783110216783.119
B. Russell
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引用次数: 1
10. Borrowed Verse and Broken Narrative: Agency, Identity, and the (Bethesda) Sarcophagus of Bassa 10. 借用的诗句和破碎的叙述:代理,身份,和(贝塞斯达)巴萨石棺
Pub Date : 2010-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/9783110216783.337
Dennis E. Trout
Sometime in the late fourth century, a young woman named Bassa was laid to rest in the Catacomb of Praetextatus near the Appian Way, roughly two kilometres outside Rome’s Aurelian walls. Bassa’s marble sarcophagus – ravaged and scattered in time by vandalism and landslide but reassembled in the early twentieth century (Figure 10.1) – now stands in the handbooks as an (anomalous) example of the socalled Bethesda type. Thirteen other representatives of this sarcophagus group are currently known and each of these thirteen, as far as can be determined, presents the same five New Testament scenes in the same order. In every case, as illustrated by well-preserved examples from the Vatican cemetery and the Cathedral of Tarragona (figs. 2 and 3), a central tableau arranged in two registers portrays (at least in its upper half) an episode from the Gospel of John in which Jesus heals a paralytic at Jerusalem’s pool of Bethesda (Jn 5.1–9). On either side of this central panel appear four other standard scenes, two on each side, and these also reference
在四世纪晚期的某个时候,一位名叫巴萨的年轻女子被安葬在阿庇安古道附近的Praetextatus地下墓穴中,距离罗马的奥勒良城墙大约两公里。巴萨的大理石石棺——由于人为破坏和山体滑坡而遭到破坏和分散,但在20世纪初重新组装(图10.1)——现在作为所谓贝塞斯达类型的一个(反常的)例子屹立在手册中。这个石棺组的其他13个代表目前已知,这13个代表中的每一个,就可以确定的而言,都以相同的顺序呈现了相同的五个新约场景。从保存完好的梵蒂冈墓地和塔拉戈纳大教堂的例子可以看出,每一种情况都是如此。第2章和第3章),一个以两个音域排列的中心画面描绘了(至少在其上半部分)约翰福音中的一个情节,其中耶稣在耶路撒冷的毕士大池治愈了一个瘫痪的人(约5.1-9章)。在这个中央面板的两侧出现了另外四个标准场景,每边两个,这些也参考
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引用次数: 1
8. Myth and Visual Narrative in the Second Sophistic – a Comparative Approach: Notes on an Attic Hippolytos Sarcophagus in Agrigento 8. 《第二诡辩》中的神话与视觉叙事——一种比较方法:阿格里根托一座阁楼上的希波吕托斯石棺注释
Pub Date : 2010-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/9783110216783.261
B. C. Ewald
In the decorated marble sarcophagi, produced in the Roman Empire during the second and third centuries, death became the occasion for significant private expenditure which bears characteristics of what has been called ‘abjection’. Where we might see decay and decomposition, the rotting corpse, we are greeted by a visual feast of immaculate and immortal marble bodies ( Figure 8.1 a-d). The sarcophagus itself in its materiality – the wealth of figures and the richness of its narrative, the splendour of its painting and gilding – becomes a redemption for death and decay, and a principle means in the fight against the threat of oblivion. The making of the sarcophagus can thus be understood as a pious act of substitution in which the integrity of the body is symbolically reinstated. To use a mythological simile that seems fitting to a discussion of sarcophagi depicting the Hippolytos myth, this is much like the way in which Theseus piously pieces together the mangled portions of his son’s dismembered body – corpus fingit – in the horrific last scene of Seneca’s Phaedra. In this play, the integrity of the corpse is regarded as a prerequisite for proper mourning (1261): quam magna lacrimis pars adhuc nostris abest. A later Christian tradition would go the opposite way, reminding us of decay and decomposition in a memento mori that consciously pairs abjection with sublimation and catharsis in its artful representation of withering flesh. This, of course, implies the creation of a new paradox around life and death, and the promise of a very different exchange of bodies – but that is another story. It is not by accident that the emergence of richly decorated sarcophagi during the second century takes place at a time in which concerns about the body intensify, and in which the body becomes a main conduit for discourses
在二世纪和三世纪罗马帝国制作的装饰大理石石棺中,死亡成为了大量私人支出的场合,具有所谓的“落魄”特征。在我们可能看到腐烂和分解的地方,腐烂的尸体,迎接我们的是一场完美无瑕和不朽的大理石尸体的视觉盛宴(图8.1 a-d)。石棺本身的物质性——丰富的人物形象和丰富的叙述,华丽的绘画和镀金——成为对死亡和衰败的救赎,成为与遗忘威胁作斗争的原则手段。因此,石棺的制作可以被理解为一种虔诚的替代行为,在这种行为中,身体的完整性被象征性地恢复了。用一个神话的比喻来描述希波吕托斯神话中的石棺,这很像塞内加的《费德拉》中可怕的最后一幕中,忒修斯虔诚地把他儿子被肢解的身体的各个部分拼凑起来的方式。在这部戏剧中,尸体的完整性被认为是适当哀悼的先决条件(1261):quam magna lacrimis pars adhuc nostris abest。后来的基督教传统则走了相反的道路,提醒我们在死亡的纪念中,有意识地将堕落与升华和净化结合在一起,巧妙地表现了枯萎的肉体。当然,这意味着围绕生与死创造了一个新的悖论,以及一种非常不同的身体交换的承诺——但那是另一个故事。装饰华丽的石棺出现在公元二世纪,这并非偶然,当时人们对身体的关注加剧,身体成为了话语的主要渠道
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引用次数: 2
3. Tragedy’s Forgotten Beauty: the Medieval Return of Orestes 3.悲剧中被遗忘的美:中世纪俄瑞斯忒斯的回归
Pub Date : 2010-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/9783110216783.83
Francisco Prado-Vilar
The father prayed, called to his men to lift her with strength of hand swept in her robes aloft and prone above the altar, as you might lift a goat for sacrifice, with guards against the lips’ sweet edge, to check the curse cried on the house of Atreus by force of bit and speech drowned in strength. Pouring then to the ground her saffron mantle she struck the sacrificers with the eyes’ arrows of pity, lovely as in a painted scene, and striving to speak.
父亲祈祷着,叫他的仆人们用裹着袍子的有力的手把她举起来,高高俯卧在祭坛上,就像你举起一只献祭的山羊一样,嘴唇的甜蜜边缘被守卫着,以阻止用暴力和言语淹没在力量中的对阿特柔斯家族的诅咒。她把她的藏红花披风倒在地上,眼睛里射出怜悯的箭,像一幅画中那样可爱,她竭力想说话。
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引用次数: 3
11. Image and Rhetoric in Early Christian Sarcophagi: Reflections on Jesus’ Trial 11. 早期基督教石棺中的形象与修辞:对耶稣受审的反思
Pub Date : 2010-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/9783110216783.359
J. Elsner
Roman art is strikingly rhetorical. In particular, sarcophagi – with their highly distinctive and restricted spatial field for visual representation and the relatively narrow range of formal devices employed to decorate them – are strongly so. By formal devices I mean the repertoire of compositional elements that make up sarcophagi, the repetition of iconographic types (whose differences and specific identities may depend on no more than a single attribute being present or absent, or the juxtaposition with another scene) and the particular (relatively restricted) range of treatments of the carved surface. The relatively limited range of formal elements, combined with a marked creativity and variation in their deployment, creates what is simultaneously an interrelated corpus of copious material (both pagan and Christian) and one in which many figurative images allude (at different levels) to narratives that may range from myth and oral tradition to scriptural texts. But each item claims rhetorical specificity and difference from the others through its employment (including its position, thematic juxtaposition, formal and technical treatment) by contrast with other standard elements. Since the era of Roman sarcophagi (at its heyday between roughly 100 and 400) coincides so closely with what is called the Second Sophistic, the great
罗马艺术是惊人的修辞。尤其是石棺,由于其高度独特和有限的视觉表现空间,以及用于装饰它们的正式设备的相对狭窄的范围,这是强烈的。我所说的形式装置是指构成石棺的所有组成元素,图像类型的重复(其差异和特定身份可能取决于不超过一个属性的存在或缺失,或与另一个场景的并置)以及雕刻表面的特定(相对有限的)处理范围。形式元素的相对有限的范围,结合其显著的创造力和变化的运用,创造了一个同时相互关联的丰富材料的语料库(包括异教和基督教),其中许多比喻形象(在不同层次上)暗示了从神话和口头传统到圣经文本的叙述。但是,通过与其他标准元素的对比,每个项目通过其使用(包括其位置,主题并置,形式和技术处理)声称其修辞特殊性和与其他项目的差异。由于罗马石棺时代(大约在公元100年到公元400年之间的鼎盛时期)与所谓的第二次诡辩时期非常接近
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引用次数: 2
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Pub Date : 2010-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/9783110216783.vii
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引用次数: 0
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Life, Death and Representation
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