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On the Democratic Problem of Conspiracy Politics 论阴谋政治的民主问题
Pub Date : 2018-12-27 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190844073.003.0007
Alfred Moore
Distrust is an essential part of democratic politics. Familiar institutions and practices, such as the separation of powers, partisan competition, and public vigilance, are premised on a positive expectation that others intend to harm our interests. Such practices can organize and domesticate distrust, and make it productive for the democratic system. Yet distrust can go wrong in two sorts of ways. One is through partisan distrust spiraling into what I call conspiracy politics as a result of the process of seeking to represent conspiracy-minded constituents. The other is that public vigilance premised on distrust can become a self-fulfilling prophecy, generating the behavior that fulfills those low expectations.
不信任是民主政治的重要组成部分。我们熟悉的制度和做法,如权力分立、党派竞争和公众警惕,都是建立在一个积极的预期基础上的,即其他人打算损害我们的利益。这种做法可以组织和驯服不信任,并使其对民主制度产生影响。然而,不信任可能以两种方式出错。一种是党派间的不信任逐渐演变成我所说的阴谋政治,这是试图代表有阴谋思想的选民的过程的结果。另一种是,以不信任为前提的公众警惕可能会成为一种自我实现的预言,产生满足这些低期望的行为。
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引用次数: 7
Why the Powerful (in Weak States) Prefer Conspiracy Theories 为什么强国(弱国)更喜欢阴谋论
Pub Date : 2018-12-27 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190844073.003.0023
Scott Radnitz
Why do politicians promote conspiracy theories in weak states? Not simply because they or their constituents believe them. Unlike established democracies, in which politics works through institutions, in weak states, politicians need to find alternative ways of advancing their agendas. Two steps are usually necessary for conspiracy theories to become prominent in political discourse: first, national narratives about insecurity make claims of conspiracy plausible. Second, when politicians cannot keep their internal struggles secret or when unexpected events occur, they are likely to make a decisive turn toward conspiracy-tinged rhetoric. This chapter shows how these factors operate with examples from Russia, Turkey, and Afghanistan.
为什么政客们在弱国宣扬阴谋论?不仅仅是因为他们或他们的选民相信他们。与政治通过制度发挥作用的老牌民主国家不同,在弱国,政客们需要找到其他方式来推进他们的议程。阴谋论要在政治话语中变得突出,通常需要两个步骤:首先,关于不安全的国家叙事使阴谋论的主张变得可信。其次,当政客们无法保守内部斗争的秘密,或者当意外事件发生时,他们很可能会果断转向带有阴谋色彩的言论。本章以俄罗斯、土耳其和阿富汗为例说明这些因素是如何起作用的。
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引用次数: 7
Learning about Conspiracy Theories 了解阴谋论
Pub Date : 2018-12-27 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190844073.003.0009
Jay Cullen
The triple disaster of the earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear reactor meltdowns that struck Japan in March 2011 led to the release of massive amounts of radioactive isotopes into the environment. My research and that of other professionals in the international scientific community demonstrates that the short- and long-term impacts of these releases on environmental and human health will be difficult to detect. Most of the public response to my work on the Fukushima disaster has been positive. However, a vocal minority, enamored of conspiracy theories, responded with personal threats, accusations of scientific fraud, and attacks on my professional and personal integrity.
2011年3月袭击日本的地震、海啸和核反应堆熔毁三重灾难导致大量放射性同位素释放到环境中。我的研究和国际科学界其他专业人员的研究表明,这些排放对环境和人类健康的短期和长期影响将难以察觉。大多数公众对我关于福岛灾难的工作的反应是积极的。然而,少数热衷于阴谋论的直言不讳的人以个人威胁、科学欺诈的指控以及对我的职业和个人诚信的攻击作为回应。
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引用次数: 2
Conspiracy Theory Phobia 阴谋论恐惧症
Pub Date : 2018-12-27 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190844073.003.0011
J. Räikkä, L. Basham
Many scholars and journalists have recently questioned why people believe in conspiracy theories. Perhaps equal consideration should be given to the opposing question, why do people not believe in conspiracy theories. People who refuse to evaluate conspiracy theories evenly and openly may suffer from conspiracy theory phobia. This phobia manifests when a person rejects conspiracy theories out of hand without an appropriate evaluation of the available evidence, or if her reaction toward conspiracy theories is one of mockery, contempt, or hostility. Conspiracy theory phobia is likely explained by non-rational psychological mechanisms. In this chapter, we show how confirmation bias and pragmatic hypothesis testing can drive the rejection of conspiracy theories. Arguably, conspiracy theory phobia can distort social science and undermine political accountability within functional democracies.
最近,许多学者和记者质疑人们为什么相信阴谋论。也许我们应该同等地考虑相反的问题,为什么人们不相信阴谋论。拒绝公平公开地评价阴谋论的人可能患有阴谋论恐惧症。当一个人在没有对现有证据进行适当评估的情况下拒绝阴谋论,或者她对阴谋论的反应是嘲笑、蔑视或敌意时,这种恐惧症就会表现出来。阴谋论恐惧症可以用非理性的心理机制来解释。在本章中,我们将展示确认偏差和实用假设检验如何推动对阴谋论的拒绝。可以说,阴谋论恐惧症会扭曲社会科学,破坏民主国家的政治问责制。
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引用次数: 17
The Conspiratorial Style in Turkish Politics 土耳其政治中的阴谋主义风格
Pub Date : 2018-12-27 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190844073.003.0026
T. Nefes
The “deep state” conspiracy theory is evergreen in Turkish politics. Why is it so popular, and why do political elites continually turn to different forms of this conspiracy theory? This chapter focuses on an amorphous but significant conspiracy theory, the deep state, which argues that a clandestine elite group is determined to defend the Turkish state ideology and the political stability by legal, and often illegal, means. While all political parties in the Turkish parliament talk about the existence of the deep state, they do not agree on who it is, largely because of their contradictory partisan interests. This creates incompatible definitions of the deep state, which cannot convince all parties. In short, partisan conflict ensures the continuity of the deep state conspiracy theory.
“深暗势力”阴谋论在土耳其政坛常青树。为什么它如此受欢迎,为什么政治精英们不断转向不同形式的阴谋论?这一章的重点是一个无形但重要的阴谋论,即深层国家,它认为一个秘密的精英团体决心通过合法的,往往是非法的手段来捍卫土耳其的国家意识形态和政治稳定。虽然土耳其议会中的所有政党都在谈论深层势力的存在,但他们在深层势力究竟是谁的问题上意见不一,这主要是因为他们的党派利益相互矛盾。这造成了对“深层政府”的不相容定义,无法说服所有各方。简而言之,党派冲突确保了深层国家阴谋论的连续性。
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引用次数: 3
Conspiracy Theories in Post-Soviet Russia 后苏联时代俄罗斯的阴谋论
Pub Date : 2018-12-20 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190844073.003.0024
I. Yablokov
Throughout the post-Soviet period various conspiracy theories, most of which have been anti-Western, have moved from the margins of intellectual life to the mainstream of Russian politics. The trauma of the Soviet collapse enabled political elites to offer a conspiratorial reading of the event, and use this both for the purpose of nation-building and for suppressing democratic opposition by accusing its proponents of having destroyed the Soviet Union from within. Russian political elites use conspiracy theories to tackle emerging challenges by dividing Russian society into a majority loyal to the Kremlin, and a minority which is supposedly out to destroy Russia. The state authorities, including top-ranking politicians, seem to be the main producers of this conspiracy discourse; however, they use it with great care, with much reliance on the support of intellectuals who take part both in the production and dissemination of these theories to the general public. Studying conspiracy theories in Russia provides us with a means to comprehend domestic politics and to explain the strategies of the Russian political elite on both the domestic and international levels.
在整个后苏联时期,各种阴谋论,其中大多数是反西方的,已经从知识分子生活的边缘转移到俄罗斯政治的主流。苏联解体的创伤使政治精英们能够对这一事件进行阴谋的解读,并以此为目的进行国家建设,并通过指责其支持者从内部摧毁苏联来压制民主反对派。俄罗斯的政治精英们利用阴谋论来应对新出现的挑战,他们将俄罗斯社会划分为忠于克里姆林宫的多数派和据称要摧毁俄罗斯的少数派。国家当局,包括高层政治家,似乎是这种阴谋论的主要制造者;然而,他们非常谨慎地使用它,在很大程度上依赖知识分子的支持,这些知识分子参与了这些理论的产生和向公众传播。研究俄罗斯的阴谋论为我们理解国内政治,解释俄罗斯政治精英在国内和国际层面的策略提供了一种手段。
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引用次数: 12
Conspiracy Theories and Religion 阴谋论与宗教
Pub Date : 2018-12-20 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190844073.003.0028
D. G. Robertson, Asbjørn Dyrendal
Religious ‘beliefs’ are more often situational than propositional. Reading reported conspiracy beliefs the same way deepens our understanding of their function and appeal. Ideas shared by both religion and conspiracy theories—including the paranormal, esotericism, millennialism, and prophecy—are varieties of the rejected knowledge of the “cultic milieu.” The distrust of epistemic and institutional authority in these fields leads to a profusion of syncretic “grand explanatory narratives,” which make meaning and explain away the apparently anomalous or morally perplexing. A religious studies perspective not only clarifies the social function of such ideas, but also offers tools for understanding the people who believe in conspiracy theories in a more human and productive light.
宗教“信仰”往往是情境性的,而不是命题性的。以同样的方式阅读报道的阴谋论会加深我们对其功能和吸引力的理解。宗教和阴谋论所共有的观点——包括超自然现象、神秘主义、千禧年论和预言——都是“邪教环境”中被拒绝的知识的变种。对这些领域的认识论和制度权威的不信任导致了大量融合的“大解释性叙事”,这些叙事赋予了意义,并解释了明显反常或道德上的困惑。宗教研究的视角不仅阐明了这些思想的社会功能,而且还提供了从更人性化和更有成效的角度来理解相信阴谋论的人的工具。
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引用次数: 3
Who Believes in Conspiracy Theories in Great Britain and Europe? 在英国和欧洲,谁相信阴谋论?
Pub Date : 2018-12-20 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190844073.003.0022
Hugo Drochon
From JFK to the X-Files to Trump, are conspiracy theories the preserve of the United States? Drawing on two YouGov surveys—the first of their kind—in Great Britain in February 2015 and across Europe (Great Britain, Germany, Italy, Poland, Portugal, and Sweden) in March 2016, this chapter shows that the British and Europeans are as likely to believe in conspiracy theories as are their American counterparts. The surveys suggest that political and economic exclusion are the greatest predictors of conspiracy theorizing. Policies that promote political and economic integration may therefore help reduce conspiracy theorizing.
从肯尼迪到x档案再到特朗普,阴谋论是美国的专利吗?根据YouGov于2015年2月在英国和2016年3月在整个欧洲(英国、德国、意大利、波兰、葡萄牙和瑞典)首次进行的两项调查,本章表明,英国和欧洲人与美国人一样相信阴谋论。调查表明,政治和经济排斥是阴谋论的最大预测因素。因此,促进政治和经济一体化的政策可能有助于减少阴谋论。
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引用次数: 27
Conspiracy Rumor Psychology 阴谋谣言心理学
Pub Date : 2018-12-20 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190844073.003.0017
N. DiFonzo
Social psychologists have been researching the psychology of rumor for nearly a century. Using the rumor psychology framework leads us to see conspiracy theories as stories that are communicated from person to person and in groups. Why do people spread conspiracy theories, in what sorts of relationships and community networks are they spread, and what is it about these groups or relationships that manufactures and maintains such false stories (and every once in a while a true one)? This approach focuses on the psychology of social interactions and group dynamics involved in conspiracy theory spread, belief, change and maintenance.
近一个世纪以来,社会心理学家一直在研究谣言的心理学。运用谣言心理学的框架,我们把阴谋论看作是人与人之间、在群体中传播的故事。为什么人们传播阴谋论,他们是在什么样的关系和社区网络中传播的,这些团体或关系是如何制造和维持这些虚假的故事(偶尔也会有一个真实的故事)的?该方法关注阴谋论传播、信仰、改变和维持过程中涉及的社会互动心理学和群体动力学。
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引用次数: 7
The Politics of Disruption 颠覆的政治
Pub Date : 2018-12-20 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190844073.003.0008
Matthew D. Atkinson, Darin DeWitt
What motivates conspiracy theory politics? Strategic, ambitious politicians play a central role in the rise of conspiracy theories. We employ the garbage can model of choice and social choice theory to explain how and why out-of-power politicians engage in innovative and unorthodox efforts to alter their situation. We call these entrepreneurial efforts the politics of disruption. While conspiracy theories are just one tool of disruption, they are typically the most readily available and lowest-cost method available for changing the political game. We argue that scholars interested in explaining the propagation of conspiracy theories should look beyond idiosyncratic psychological factors and place greater analytical focus on systematic political motives and context.
阴谋论政治的动机是什么?在阴谋论兴起的过程中,有战略眼光、雄心勃勃的政治家发挥了核心作用。我们采用选择的垃圾桶模型和社会选择理论来解释失势的政治家如何以及为什么会采取创新和非正统的努力来改变他们的处境。我们把这些企业家的努力称为颠覆性政治。虽然阴谋论只是破坏的一种工具,但它们通常是改变政治游戏最容易获得、成本最低的方法。我们认为,有兴趣解释阴谋论传播的学者应该超越特殊的心理因素,把更多的分析重点放在系统性的政治动机和背景上。
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引用次数: 8
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Conspiracy Theories and the People Who Believe Them
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