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The European Identity 欧洲认同
Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.12893/GJCPI.2017.2.11
A. Martinelli
European identity is not only a scientifically interesting question, but also a politically important issue: in fact, sixty years after the signing of the Treaty of Rome, the European Union finds itself for the first time facing risks that threaten its own existence. The European Union is a limited and incomplete project because Europe’s economic integration has not been accompanied by a genuine supranational political union and greater cultural integration. The deficit of democratic representation and cultural integration is due to the fact that the community process is based only on economic rationality and not on a feeling of common belonging. In the current situation in which the Union faces difficult challenges which threaten to undermine the future, it necessary to affirm the policy of interests with a policy of identity. In this essay, we will first concentrate on the concept of identity – that is on the nucleus of values and common institutions –; then we will discuss how the European identity has changed over time (also in relation to national identities) and what are the mechanisms that may favour its taking root in the current situation. The European project of political unification needs to be re-emphasized, finding the way to a European collective identity, not contrasted with but alongside the different national identities, referring to loyalty and shared commitment to a whole collection of cultural values: fundamental human rights, civil liberties, democratic political institutions, rule of law, freedom of movement of people, goods and capital, social justice and non-violent resolution of conflicts.
欧洲认同不仅是一个科学上有趣的问题,也是一个政治上重要的问题:事实上,在《罗马条约》(Treaty of Rome)签署60年后,欧盟首次发现自己面临威胁自身存在的风险。欧盟是一个有限和不完整的项目,因为欧洲的经济一体化并没有伴随着一个真正的超国家政治联盟和更大的文化一体化。民主代表权和文化一体化的缺失是由于社区进程只以经济理性为基础,而不是以共同归属感为基础。在欧盟面临可能破坏未来的困难挑战的当前局势下,有必要以认同政策来确认利益政策。在本文中,我们将首先关注身份的概念-即价值观和共同制度的核心-;然后,我们将讨论欧洲身份是如何随着时间的推移而变化的(也与国家身份有关),以及哪些机制可能有利于其在当前形势下扎根。需要重新强调欧洲的政治统一计划,找到欧洲集体认同的道路,不是与不同的国家认同形成对比,而是与之并存,指的是对一整套文化价值观的忠诚和共同承诺:基本人权、公民自由、民主政治制度、法治、人员、货物和资本的自由流动、社会正义和非暴力解决冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Ultra-Technological Refugees: Identity Construction through Consumer Culture among African Refugees in Israel 超技术难民:以色列非洲难民消费文化中的身份建构
Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.12893/GJCPI.2017.2.5
T. Arev
Academic discourse tends to view the labor market as a central sphere in the refugee integration process, while other aspects related to the market economy, such as capital accumulation and the purchase of goods, gain less attention if at all. Studying these issues from the perspective of African refugees in Israel enables us to examine alternative means through which the refugee community seeks to integrate into the socio-economic arena in the host culture by adopting popular consumption patterns. The study explores consumer culture among refugees as a means through which they borrow, adopt and translate what they perceive to be the attributes of the desired lifestyle in the host country. Based on ethnographic work, the study examines the ways in which consumption practices form a socio-cultural bridge to blur social boundaries between refugees and Western society. By adopting commodity and consumption patterns, African refugees seek to become a part of the Israeli collective and distance themselves from the monolithic identity of alien-African-refugees.
学术话语倾向于将劳动力市场视为难民融入过程中的中心领域,而与市场经济相关的其他方面,如资本积累和商品购买,如果有的话,得到的关注较少。从在以色列的非洲难民的角度研究这些问题,使我们能够审查难民社区通过采用流行的消费模式来寻求融入东道国文化的社会经济领域的其他手段。这项研究探讨了难民的消费文化作为一种手段,他们通过这种手段借用、采用和翻译他们认为是东道国所期望的生活方式的特征。基于民族志工作,该研究考察了消费实践如何形成社会文化桥梁,模糊了难民与西方社会之间的社会界限。通过采用商品和消费模式,非洲难民寻求成为以色列集体的一部分,并与外来非洲难民的单一身份保持距离。
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引用次数: 0
Geographical Proximity Is Not Enough: How Culture Shaped Placement, Spatiality, and the Outcomes of the Arab Spring’s Uprisings. 地理邻近是不够的:文化如何塑造阿拉伯之春起义的位置、空间性和结果。
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.12893/GJCPI.2017.1.5
O. Venger
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引用次数: 1
Beyond Globalization: Reflections on Glocalism 超越全球化:对全球主义的反思
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.12893/GJCPI.2017.1.1
F. Dallmayr
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引用次数: 1
Territories, Peoples, Sovereignty 领土,人民,主权
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.12893/GJCPI.2016.3.6
S. Cassese
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引用次数: 0
A New Perspective in the Middle East: A Comprehensive Approach To The Us-Iran Relations in the Region 中东的新视角:对中东地区美伊关系的综合解读
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.12893/GJCPI.2016.2.10
M. Shokri
This paper discusses the significance of the cooperation between the United States and Iran for the Middle East region. It will be argued that despite the political and ideological conflicts between the U.S. and Iran, reaching a “point by point” agreement would best help to resolve Middle East predicaments, especially the Islamic terrorism. To achieve this, the following pages examine the historical background of issues such as terrorism in the Middle East. This paper also focuses on two main paths to support the better U.S.-Iran cooperation, if not talking about relations at all. First, the theory of “point by point” approach helps both countries to tackle tough agendas and overcome the predicaments in the Middle East. Second, to reach the desired cooperation between these two countries, both the U.S. and Iran need to overcome their own internal constraints as well as the external constrains imposed by other countries. This paper takes an historical and theoretical approach to reveal the two countries’ common interests in the Middle East. The general thesis argues that the Middle East’s security requires the United States and Iran to develop a diplomatic and military cooperation.
本文论述了美伊合作对中东地区的重要意义。有人认为,尽管美国和伊朗之间存在政治和意识形态上的冲突,但达成“逐点”协议将最有助于解决中东的困境,特别是伊斯兰恐怖主义。为了实现这一目标,以下几页将探讨中东恐怖主义等问题的历史背景。本文还着重讨论了支持美伊更好合作的两条主要途径,如果根本不谈双边关系的话。第一,“逐点”思路有助于两国应对棘手议题,克服中东困境。其次,美伊两国要达成理想的合作,既要克服自身的内部制约,也要克服其他国家施加的外部制约。本文从历史和理论的角度来揭示中美两国在中东地区的共同利益。总论点认为,中东的安全需要美国和伊朗发展外交和军事合作。
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引用次数: 1
The Latest Books on Globalization 关于全球化的最新书籍
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.12893/GJCPI.2016.3.7
E. Zaru
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting Liberal Democratic Universalism: A Critical Rhetoric of the Liberal Democratic World Order 重新审视自由民主的普遍主义:自由民主世界秩序的批判修辞
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.12893/gjcpi.2016.2.11
R. F. Smith
Liberal democracy has become the predominant political regime in the 21 century even in countries that have little or no history of ‘democratic structures and practices’. However, it seems as though setting up a functional, stable, and viable democratic state is harder than overthrowing autocratic rulers. This rhetorical criticism explores gridlocks that hamper the development of universal liberal democratic values by emphasizing the Western hegemonic status of defining what liberal democracy is. It is pertinent to look into this dominant role considering that it is through these values that actions, policies, and other values are to be construed and judged. This paper aims to (1) highlight the role of moral cosmopolitanism as the initial step of Western hegemony, (2) identify the paradox of defining liberal democracy as universal but treating it as a particular, and (3) discuss the ironies of democratic imperialism and its hindrance to self-determination. This paper hopes to shed some light in the importance of various interpretations, definitions, and adaptations of liberal democratic values depending on the context of the society incorporating, its culture, its values, and its identity, in order to find a more comprehensive definition of democracy.
自由民主已经成为21世纪占主导地位的政治制度,甚至在那些很少或没有“民主结构和实践”历史的国家也是如此。然而,建立一个正常运转的、稳定的、可行的民主国家似乎比推翻独裁统治者更难。这种修辞批评通过强调西方在定义什么是自由民主方面的霸权地位,探讨了阻碍普遍自由民主价值观发展的僵局。考虑到正是通过这些价值观来解释和判断行动、政策和其他价值观,研究这种主导作用是相关的。本文旨在(1)强调道德世界主义作为西方霸权的第一步的作用,(2)识别将自由民主定义为普遍但将其视为特殊的悖论,以及(3)讨论民主帝国主义的讽刺及其对自决的阻碍。本文希望对自由民主价值观的各种解释、定义和适应的重要性有所揭示,这取决于社会融合的背景、文化、价值观和身份,以便找到一个更全面的民主定义。
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引用次数: 0
Globalization and Democratic Experiments: A Sociological Profiling of Nigeria's Democratic Colonialism (1999-2015) 全球化与民主实验:尼日利亚民主殖民主义的社会学分析(1999-2015)
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.12893/gjcpi.2016.2.9
M. Abdullahi, Peter Nungshak Wika
Globalization has become a contagious phenomenon that has not spared any society and social institutions. Events happening at the global arena has far-reaching impact and implications at the remotest village in virtually any part of the earth. The tidal wave of democracy as the most acceptable system of government and capitalism as the best economic system synchronized with the shattering hurricane of globalization around the world has been producing innumerable political changes. Nigeria like most countries in the third word that were formerly under military rule embraced the civilian rule in 1999 after 16 years of its suspension from 1983-1999. From this point of view this paper will seek to know the meaning of globalization, democracy and the inverse relationship of the two concepts on most of the third world countries in general and Nigeria in particular. A conceptual clarification of globalization and democracy will follow next. Methodologically, the paper adopted a qualitative methods of content analysis to analysed the literature and empirical studies on topic reviewed and provided some insightful sociological analyses and conclusions.
全球化已成为一种具有传染性的现象,任何社会和社会机构都未能幸免。在全球舞台上发生的事件对地球上几乎任何地方最偏远的村庄都有深远的影响和影响。民主作为最可接受的政府制度和资本主义作为最好的经济制度的浪潮,与全球化的毁灭性飓风同步,在世界各地产生了无数的政治变化。尼日利亚和大多数前军事统治下的第三世界国家一样,在1983年至1999年暂停16年后,于1999年接受了文官统治。从这个角度来看,本文将试图了解全球化,民主和这两个概念的反比关系对大多数第三世界国家,特别是尼日利亚的意义。接下来将澄清全球化和民主的概念。在方法上,本文采用定性的内容分析方法,对所综述的文献和实证研究进行了分析,并给出了一些有见地的社会学分析和结论。
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引用次数: 0
Sovereign Borders: The Militarisation of Asylum Seeker Discourses in Australian Television News Media 主权边界:澳大利亚电视新闻媒体中寻求庇护者话语的军事化
Pub Date : 2016-07-01 DOI: 10.12893/GJCPI.2016.2.5
Leicha Stewart
While the democratic paradigm of governance and its constituent political processes are well established in Australia, consistently negative media representations of people seeking asylum may be viewed as justification for institutional decisions allowing continued punitive treatment of people seeking asylum on Australian shores. Historically, notions of Australian sovereignty exist as a changing discourse with reference to land claims and the Australian Indigenous population (O’Dowd 2011; Due 2008). However, in terms of contemporary political claims about Australia’s need to enforce border protection policies, notions of sovereignty are consistently framed through the themes, images and language of military discourses. Media scholar, John Street suggests that although there is disagreement about whether specific political outcomes can be attributed to press influence, the role of television in politics has been more comprehensively established as shaping broader world views in regards to ideas, values and practices that are considered ‘commonsense’ (Street 2011; Craig 2013). This paper argues that the increasing role of the military in the treatment and processing of people seeking asylum may be justified, through repetitive negative media representations of asylum seekers which secures public support for such practices, thereby undermining the very principles of the democratic paradigm, and indeed the role of the media or ‘fourth estate’(Schultz 1998) in a functioning democracy.
虽然澳大利亚的民主治理模式及其组成政治进程已经建立,但媒体对寻求庇护者的持续负面报道可能被视为机构决定的理由,允许对在澳大利亚海岸寻求庇护的人继续进行惩罚性待遇。从历史上看,澳大利亚主权的概念作为一种不断变化的话语存在,涉及土地要求和澳大利亚土著人口(O 'Dowd 2011;由于2008)。然而,就澳大利亚需要执行边境保护政策的当代政治主张而言,主权概念始终是通过军事话语的主题、图像和语言来构建的。媒体学者John Street认为,尽管对于具体的政治结果是否可以归因于新闻影响存在分歧,但电视在政治中的作用已经被更全面地确立为塑造更广泛的世界观,即被认为是“常识”的思想、价值观和实践(Street 2011;克雷格2013)。本文认为,通过媒体对寻求庇护者的反复负面报道,确保公众对这种做法的支持,军方在处理和处理寻求庇护者方面的作用越来越大,这可能是合理的,从而破坏了民主范式的基本原则,实际上也破坏了媒体或“第四阶层”(舒尔茨1998)在一个有效的民主国家中的作用。
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引用次数: 2
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Glocalism: Journal of Culture, Politics and Innovation
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