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The Indian Princess Who Wasn’t There 《不在场的印度公主
Pub Date : 2020-10-26 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0006
C. Cahill
In February 1913, headlines exploded in newspapers across the country: “Indian Girl in Suffragists Parade”; “Dawn Mist, Indian Girl, to Ride as Suffragists;” “Indian Maidens to Ride in Parade.” Editors pounced on the story as it came across their desks on the wires. It had everything—the controversial issue of suffrage, an exotic Indian princess, a western railroad magnate, and a patriotic procession. In fact, there was no such person as Dawn Mist, only a character created by the public relations department of the Great Northern Railway. Why then had she so convincingly captured the nation’s imagination? The answer lies in white Americans’ fascination with Indians, which suffused the way they thought about suffrage.
1913年2月,全国各大报纸的头条铺天盖地:“参加妇女参政游行的印度女孩”;“黎明迷雾,印度女孩,作为妇女参政主义者骑着车;”“印度少女骑着车参加游行。”当这篇报道通过电线传到编辑们的办公桌上时,编辑们立刻扑了上去。它什么都有——有争议的选举权问题,一位异国情调的印度公主,一位西部铁路巨头,以及爱国游行队伍。其实,根本就没有薄雾这个人,只是大北方铁路公关部虚构出来的一个人物。那么,为什么她能如此令人信服地抓住国民的想象力呢?答案在于美国白人对印第安人的迷恋,这种迷恋弥漫在他们对选举权的思考方式中。
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引用次数: 0
The Application of Democracy to Women 民主在妇女中的应用
Pub Date : 2020-10-26 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0012
M. Lee
As the women of New York continued their efforts to pass suffrage at the state level, Mabel Ping-Hua Lee insisted that Chinese women be involved in both the political revolutions in China and the United States. Mabel Lee’s participation in the 1912 New York City suffrage meetings and parade had connected her to a number of the city’s activists, as did her matriculation to Barnard College in 1913. White suffragists recognized the valuable contributions Lee could bring to the two state campaigns of 1915 and 1917 and asked for her help. As a staunch suffragist and feminist, Lee agreed, but her true passion lay in the position of Chinese women in their new nation. As she closely followed the work of Chinese feminists, conversations with American suffragists helped shape her ideas as she brought the two strands of thought together in her advocacy for women’s rights in the new China. Working with white suffragists also helped her combat the stereotypes about China that white Americans held. But as much as Lee fought for suffrage in New York, she could not vote there. This placed Chinese-born women like Mabel Lee in a position unique among all other women in the United States.
当纽约的妇女继续努力争取在州一级获得选举权时,李炳华坚持认为中国妇女应该参与中国和美国的政治革命。1912年,梅布尔·李参加了纽约市的选举权会议和游行,这使她与该市的一些积极分子建立了联系,1913年,她被巴纳德学院录取。白人妇女参政论者认识到李能为1915年和1917年的两场州竞选做出宝贵贡献,并向她寻求帮助。作为一个坚定的妇女参政论者和女权主义者,李同意,但她真正的激情在于中国妇女在这个新国家的地位。当她密切关注中国女权主义者的工作时,与美国妇女参政论者的对话帮助她形成了自己的思想,她将两种思想结合在一起,在新中国倡导妇女权利。与白人妇女参政论者的合作也帮助她打破了美国白人对中国的刻板印象。但是,尽管李在纽约争取选举权,她却无法在那里投票。这使得像梅布尔·李这样的华裔女性在美国其他女性中处于独特的地位。
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引用次数: 0
Mr. President, Why Not Make America Safe for Democracy? 总统先生,为什么不让美国为民主而安全?
Pub Date : 2020-10-26 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0013
C. Clifford
Part 3 demonstrates that the entry of the United States into World War I changed the political landscape once again as suffrage activists balanced their demands for greater democracy at home with the war abroad.During the fall of 1916, suffrage speakers and organizers fanned out across the western states where women could vote to stump against Democrats. Having failed to keep President Wilson out of office, Alice Paul and her colleagues in the National Woman’s Party turned to publicly shaming him, organizing a vigil in front of the White House in 1917. But with the declaration of war, Washington D.C. immediately changed. America’s entry into the Great War shifted suffragists’ calculations as they reassessed their political strategies in light of the conflict in which their nation was now enmeshed. Despite the new demands on their time from aid or support work, and, for some, the emotional toll of having loved ones in the military, the women remained engaged in their political activism and continued to fight for suffrage and women’s rights.
第三部分表明,美国加入第一次世界大战再次改变了政治格局,因为选举权活动家在国内要求更大的民主与国外的战争之间取得了平衡。1916年秋天,争取选举权的演讲者和组织者分散到西部各州,在那里妇女可以投票反对民主党人。由于未能阻止威尔逊总统下台,爱丽丝·保罗(Alice Paul)和全国妇女党(National women 's Party)的同事转而公开羞辱威尔逊,于1917年在白宫前组织了一场守夜活动。但随着宣战,华盛顿特区立即发生了变化。美国加入第一次世界大战改变了妇女参政论者的想法,他们根据国家卷入的冲突重新评估了自己的政治策略。尽管援助或支持工作占用了她们的时间,而且,对一些人来说,在军队中失去亲人的情感损失,这些妇女仍然从事政治活动,继续争取选举权和妇女权利。
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引用次数: 0
To Help Indians Help Themselves 帮助印度人自助
Pub Date : 2020-10-26 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0021
G. Bonnin
At the very height of the struggle over the Nineteenth Amendment, leading Indigenous feminists were completing and publishing their major works of political theory. This was not a coincidence. Native women had long been engaged in the fight for political participation, citizenship rights, and women’s place in the United States. They built on their previous years of activism, drawing on the lessons they learned about honing their arguments, winning allies, and navigating the particularities of state, federal, and tribal political structures. The year 1920 fell amid what is often called the nadir of Native history, a period characterized by poverty, disease, massive land dispossession, and scant political power—all of which were a direct result of federal policies. Native feminists marshalled multiple strategies to address these problems. In some cases, they loudly and directly called upon newly enfranchised white women. In others, they looked to access U.S. citizenship and suffrage rights for the nearly one-third of adult Native people who were still considered wards of the federal government. Women also worked within their own communities and their own political traditions to protect their lands and cultures.
在反对宪法第十九修正案的斗争最激烈的时候,主要的土著女权主义者正在完成并出版他们的主要政治理论著作。这并非巧合。在美国,土著妇女长期以来一直致力于争取政治参与、公民权利和妇女地位。他们建立在前几年的行动主义基础上,吸取了他们在磨练论点、赢得盟友以及驾驭州、联邦和部落政治结构的特殊性方面学到的教训。1920年正值人们常说的土著历史的最低点,这一时期的特点是贫穷、疾病、大量土地被剥夺、政治权力不足,所有这些都是联邦政策的直接结果。本土女权主义者组织了多种策略来解决这些问题。在某些情况下,他们大声而直接地呼吁新获得选举权的白人妇女。在另一些州,他们希望为仍被视为联邦政府监护的近三分之一的成年原住民获得美国公民身份和选举权。妇女还在自己的社区和自己的政治传统中努力保护自己的土地和文化。
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引用次数: 0
Everyone Who Had Labored in the Cause 每一个为这个事业努力过的人
Pub Date : 2020-10-26 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0017
C. Cahill
Part 4 begins when the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified on August 18, 1920. People celebrated women winning the vote, but the reality was more complicated. The amendment did not guarantee all women the right to vote—it simply stated that sex could no longer be used as a reason for denying them the franchise.Suffragists arrived in Nashville, Tennessee for what seemed destined to be the final battle for ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. Carrie Chapman Catt arrived for a statewide tour of stump speeches urging ratification. After Tennessee voted to ratify, Catt and her officers traveled triumphantly back to their headquarters in New York City. They celebrated their achievement of full citizenship, but not everyone was able to enjoy the fruits of victory. The new amendment changed the political playing field of the nation. In the fall of 1920, many women of color saw the real potential of the women’s vote to address the struggles in which they were already engaged. Their responses to the post-amendment world varied because they held distinct political priorities based on their communities’ histories.
第四部分从1920年8月18日第19条修正案获得批准开始。人们庆祝女性赢得选举,但现实要复杂得多。修正案并没有保证所有妇女都有选举权——它只是简单地说,性别不能再作为剥夺她们选举权的理由。妇女参政论者抵达田纳西州的纳什维尔,参加似乎注定要为批准第19修正案而进行的最后一场战斗。卡丽·查普曼·卡特(Carrie Chapman Catt)在全州范围内进行巡回演讲,敦促批准该法案。在田纳西州投票批准后,卡特和她的军官们得意洋洋地回到了他们在纽约的总部。他们庆祝获得完全公民权的成就,但并不是每个人都能享受到胜利的果实。新的修正案改变了这个国家的政治竞争环境。1920年秋天,许多有色人种妇女看到了妇女投票权的真正潜力,她们已经参与了斗争。他们对修正案后世界的反应各不相同,因为他们根据各自社区的历史持有不同的政治优先事项。
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引用次数: 0
A Terrible Blot on Civilization 文明的一大污点
Pub Date : 2020-10-26 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0019
C. Clifford
Black women were disappointed that white-led women’s organizations seemed uninterested in the fact that a large group of American women were being kept from their right to vote, but they did not have time to stop fighting. For them, it was a matter of life and death. Carrie Williams Clifford and other black women following the lead of Ida B. Wells-Barnett had been fighting for years against lynching and the move violence that periodically swept over black communities. Black women like Clifford understood their campaign for the vote within this ongoing struggle against white supremacists. It would give them some power to fight back against the violence of lynching and Jim Crow.
黑人妇女感到失望的是,白人领导的妇女组织似乎对一大群美国妇女被剥夺投票权的事实不感兴趣,但她们没有时间停止斗争。对他们来说,这是生死攸关的问题。凯莉·威廉姆斯·克利福德和其他黑人妇女在艾达·b·威尔斯-巴内特的领导下,多年来一直在反对私刑和定期席卷黑人社区的移动暴力。像克利福德这样的黑人妇女明白,在这场持续不断的反对白人至上主义者的斗争中,她们争取投票权的运动。这将给他们一些力量来反抗私刑和种族隔离的暴力。
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引用次数: 0
The Value of the Ballot 选票的价值
Pub Date : 2020-10-26 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0018
C. Cahill
White feminists were not done reenvisioning society. Six months after Alice Paul waved a triumphal American flag from the National Woman’s Party balcony, the organization held an open meeting to celebrate the winning of the vote and decide what it should do next. They organized a conference, an unveiling of a memorial to “suffrage pioneers,” and a procession and pageant featuring 250 women on February 15, 1921. The ceremony embodied the potential and the limitations of that moment. The procession indicated a capacious vision of a broad women’s movement that included women of multiple races, religions, and classes. Leaders of the National Woman’s Party, however, continued to see the suffrage struggle as fundamentally a movement of white women. In memorializing the history of the suffrage struggle, they literally carved that version in stone.
白人女权主义者还没有完成对社会的重新设想。在爱丽丝·保罗(Alice Paul)在全国妇女党的阳台上挥舞着胜利的美国国旗六个月后,该组织举行了一次公开会议,庆祝选举的胜利,并决定下一步该做什么。1921年2月15日,她们组织了一次会议,为“选举权先驱”纪念碑揭幕,并组织了一次有250名妇女参加的游行和游行。仪式体现了那一刻的潜力和局限性。游行队伍显示了一场广泛的妇女运动的广阔前景,包括不同种族、宗教和阶级的妇女。然而,全国妇女党的领导人仍然认为争取选举权的斗争基本上是白人妇女的运动。为了纪念选举权斗争的历史,他们真的把这个版本刻在了石头上。
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引用次数: 0
Courting Political Ruin 追求政治毁灭
Pub Date : 2020-10-26 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0016
Nina Otero-Warren
Throughout the war, suffragists in individual states closely followed the federal amendment’s progress through Congress. In the early spring of 1913, Otero-Warren travelled to the capital with friend and fellow educational leader Isabel Eckles. While in the city, the National Woman’s Party feted Otero-Warren for her suffrage work in the Southwest. When Otero-Warren returned to Santa Fe, she was recognized as an expert on the federal situation by the members of the Santa Fe Suffrage League. Otero-Warren was incredibly busy in the fall of 1918 as she balanced her leadership in suffrage activism with her educational and war work.
在整个战争期间,各州的妇女参政论者密切关注着联邦修正案在国会的进展。1913年早春,奥特罗-沃伦与朋友和教育领袖伊莎贝尔·埃克尔斯一起前往首都。在这座城市,全国妇女党对奥特罗-沃伦在西南地区的选举权工作表示欢迎。当奥特罗-沃伦回到圣达菲时,她被圣达菲选举权联盟的成员认为是联邦局势的专家。1918年秋,奥特罗-沃伦忙得不可开交,她一边领导争取选举权的运动,一边从事教育和战争工作。
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引用次数: 0
Come, All Ye Women, Come! 来吧,所有的女人,来吧!
Pub Date : 2020-10-26 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0008
C. Cahill
This chapter focuses on the 1913 suffrage parade in Washington, D.C. It provides a history of its conception and the main players in its organization. As they organized the parade, the white planners had very distinct ideas about which women should be included, calculating whether the presence of nonwhite or foreign women would help or hurt their cause. Inclusion turned on the question of symbolism and the message that would resonate with white audiences. They made a place for Native women and Chinese women, but many of them balked at black women’s participation.
本章的重点是1913年在华盛顿特区举行的选举权游行,它提供了它的概念和组织的主要参与者的历史。在组织游行时,白人策划者对哪些女性应该参加有非常明确的想法,他们会计算非白人或外国女性的出现对他们的事业是有利还是有害。包容涉及到象征主义的问题,以及能与白人观众产生共鸣的信息。他们为土著妇女和中国妇女创造了一席之地,但他们中的许多人对黑人妇女的参与犹豫不决。
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引用次数: 0
Woman versus the Indian 女人对印第安人
Pub Date : 2020-10-26 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0002
G. Bonnin
Chapter 1 is the first of 7 chapters in Part 1 of the book, which highlights the backgrounds of the women whose experiences structure the narrative. Gertrude Simmons Bonnin’s story, along with the others in this section, is key to understanding how these women became politicized and looked to voting rights as an instrument in their struggle for broader civil and human rights.This chapter introduces us to Gertrude Simmons (later Bonnin), a member of the Yankton Sioux in South Dakota. The chapter looks at Simmons’s visit home, a suffragist speaking tour of South Dakota, and the massacre at Wounded Knee Creek—all which occurred in South Dakota in 1890—to argue that people of color were always at the heart of debates over suffrage. In large part, this was because women of color were generating important ideas about women’s rights and their place in the nation. But it was also because white suffragists constantly invoked race in their speeches, writings, and activism. It explores the federal government’s policy towards and conquest of Native nations in the American West; U.S. territories and the suffrage campaign; suffragists’ reaction to the violence at Wounded Knee; and early suffrage referendum in western states.
第一章是全书第一部分共七章的第一章,重点介绍了女性的背景,她们的经历构成了整个叙事。格特鲁德·西蒙斯·博宁的故事,以及本节中的其他人的故事,是理解这些妇女如何被政治化并将投票权视为争取更广泛的公民权和人权的工具的关键。本章向我们介绍了格特鲁德·西蒙斯(后来的博宁),她是南达科他州扬克顿苏族的一名成员。这一章通过西蒙斯的回家之旅、南达科他州妇女参政论者的巡回演讲,以及1890年发生在南达科他州的伤膝溪大屠杀,来说明有色人种一直是有关选举权辩论的核心。在很大程度上,这是因为有色人种妇女产生了关于妇女权利及其在国家中的地位的重要思想。但这也是因为白人妇女参政论者经常在他们的演讲、著作和行动中提到种族问题。它探讨了联邦政府对美国西部土著民族的政策和征服;美国领土和选举权运动;妇女参政权论者对伤膝事件的反应;以及西部各州的提前选举权公投。
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引用次数: 3
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Recasting the Vote
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