Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0015
G. Bonnin
A few months after the United States declared war on Germany in the summer of 1917, Gertrude Simmons Bonnin moved to Washington, D.C as the Society of American Indians had elected her secretary. Bonnin managed to juggle war work with advocacy for other causes, which quickly brought her into the orbit of politically active white women in the District. She displayed a masterful political sense, gaining white allies by deploying her identity as a Native woman. She would use a similar strategy in her suffrage work. She also turned her energy to a ban on peyote use, which put her in conflict with other Native people.
{"title":"Americanize the First American","authors":"G. Bonnin","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0015","url":null,"abstract":"A few months after the United States declared war on Germany in the summer of 1917, Gertrude Simmons Bonnin moved to Washington, D.C as the Society of American Indians had elected her secretary. Bonnin managed to juggle war work with advocacy for other causes, which quickly brought her into the orbit of politically active white women in the District. She displayed a masterful political sense, gaining white allies by deploying her identity as a Native woman. She would use a similar strategy in her suffrage work. She also turned her energy to a ban on peyote use, which put her in conflict with other Native people.","PeriodicalId":345152,"journal":{"name":"Recasting the Vote","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133929103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0007
Marina Baldwin
Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin, a woman of Ojibwe (Chippewa) and French descent, went to Washington, D.C., for the same reason many Native people had before her: to negotiate a treaty. In Washington, she connected with an intertribal Native community as well as with white suffragists. She grew increasingly politically active as she tried to navigate and then reshape the attitudes of a public who believed that Native people were disappearing and who had trouble understanding her mixed heritage.
玛丽·路易斯·鲍德温(Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin)是一名有法国血统的Ojibwe (Chippewa)女性，她前往华盛顿特区的原因与许多原住民在她之前的原因一样:谈判一项条约。在华盛顿，她与一个跨部落的土著社区以及白人妇女参政论者建立了联系。她在政治上变得越来越活跃，因为她试图引导并重塑公众的态度，这些公众认为土著人正在消失，难以理解她的混血遗产。
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Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0005
C. Clifford
By 1912, Carrie Williams Clifford had built a strong reputation in the black community as a “noted suffragist.” She organized meetings about women’s voting rights in Washington, D.C. and traveled to speak on the topic in other cities. She made her case for women’s enfranchisement by drawing on ideas of women’s difference, especially their capacity as mothers. For black women, the sources of death, degradation, and destruction were not abstract concepts but the direct result of white supremacy. Concern about the racial violence aimed at their communities made their decision to fight for the vote quite different from that of white women. Clifford directed her considerable intellect and energy towards fighting “the problem of the color line” and founded several organizations committed to fighting anti-black violence and came to recognize the need for suffrage rights during those battles. To understand Clifford’s political agenda and how suffrage fit into it, it is essential to recognize how she became politicized and what her goals were.
{"title":"Race Rhymes","authors":"C. Clifford","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0005","url":null,"abstract":"By 1912, Carrie Williams Clifford had built a strong reputation in the black community as a “noted suffragist.” She organized meetings about women’s voting rights in Washington, D.C. and traveled to speak on the topic in other cities. She made her case for women’s enfranchisement by drawing on ideas of women’s difference, especially their capacity as mothers. For black women, the sources of death, degradation, and destruction were not abstract concepts but the direct result of white supremacy. Concern about the racial violence aimed at their communities made their decision to fight for the vote quite different from that of white women. Clifford directed her considerable intellect and energy towards fighting “the problem of the color line” and founded several organizations committed to fighting anti-black violence and came to recognize the need for suffrage rights during those battles. To understand Clifford’s political agenda and how suffrage fit into it, it is essential to recognize how she became politicized and what her goals were.","PeriodicalId":345152,"journal":{"name":"Recasting the Vote","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126181409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0003
M. Lee
1912 was the year of the Chinese Suffragists in the United States, and Americans were closely watching the Chinese Revolution and the ways in which women participated in it. The Chinese republican revolutionists championed women’s rights, and white suffragists seized upon these news stories to support their cause and used them to shame American men. The white suffragists also looked for Chinese women living in the United States who could tell them more about the events in China. Those Chinese women, some American-born but most of them immigrants barred from naturalized citizenship, drew on transpacific conversations to educate their white sisters about the women’s movement in China. Having captured the white suffragists’ attention, Chinese women used the opportunity to raise their concerns about the United States’ policies towards China. As a result, Chinese and Chinese American women were unexpectedly visible in American suffrage debates and events. The chapter focuses mainly on Mabel Ping-Hua Lee, a Chinese-born resident of New York City and active suffrage campaigner.
{"title":"Our Sisters in China Are Free","authors":"M. Lee","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0003","url":null,"abstract":"1912 was the year of the Chinese Suffragists in the United States, and Americans were closely watching the Chinese Revolution and the ways in which women participated in it. The Chinese republican revolutionists championed women’s rights, and white suffragists seized upon these news stories to support their cause and used them to shame American men. The white suffragists also looked for Chinese women living in the United States who could tell them more about the events in China. Those Chinese women, some American-born but most of them immigrants barred from naturalized citizenship, drew on transpacific conversations to educate their white sisters about the women’s movement in China. Having captured the white suffragists’ attention, Chinese women used the opportunity to raise their concerns about the United States’ policies towards China. As a result, Chinese and Chinese American women were unexpectedly visible in American suffrage debates and events. The chapter focuses mainly on Mabel Ping-Hua Lee, a Chinese-born resident of New York City and active suffrage campaigner.","PeriodicalId":345152,"journal":{"name":"Recasting the Vote","volume":"217 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122996741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0010
Marina Baldwin
Marie Bottineau Baldwin saw the segregation of the federal civil service under the Wilson administration first-hand from her position in the Interior Department where she had been working for almost a decade. A large number of Native people were not U.S. citizens. In this increasingly rigid racial regime, white Americans had trouble classifying Métis people like Bottineau Baldwin who were of mixed Native and French descent and generally decided that if they kept ties to their Native kin, they remained Indians. As the Wilson administration built racial inequality into the civil service, it raised a number of very personal and immediate questions for Bottineau Baldwin. She went on the offensive. If Americans thought of her as an Indian, she would prove that Indians were different from African Americans. Echoing the language of the Wilson administration, she raised the specter of interracial relations.
{"title":"The Indians of Today","authors":"Marina Baldwin","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Marie Bottineau Baldwin saw the segregation of the federal civil service under the Wilson administration first-hand from her position in the Interior Department where she had been working for almost a decade. A large number of Native people were not U.S. citizens. In this increasingly rigid racial regime, white Americans had trouble classifying Métis people like Bottineau Baldwin who were of mixed Native and French descent and generally decided that if they kept ties to their Native kin, they remained Indians. As the Wilson administration built racial inequality into the civil service, it raised a number of very personal and immediate questions for Bottineau Baldwin. She went on the offensive. If Americans thought of her as an Indian, she would prove that Indians were different from African Americans. Echoing the language of the Wilson administration, she raised the specter of interracial relations.","PeriodicalId":345152,"journal":{"name":"Recasting the Vote","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124990144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0004
Nina Otero-Warren
Maria Adelina Isabel Emilia “Nina” Luna Otero was two years old when her father was murdered in 1883 in the New Mexico Territory. His death was mourned widely by Neuvomexicanos in the territory. They believed he had died contending for his rights, and indeed during this era the courts systematically favored Anglo challenges to Hispanic land grant claims. This attack on Hispanic land ownership and political power was an unavoidable fact of life among Hispanos in the New Mexico Territory. The need to protect their rights framed every other political issue. This chapter centers on Adelina “Nina” Luna Otero-Warren, a member of a politically powerful Hispano family and suffrage leader who later served as the chair of the National Woman’s Party.
{"title":"Tierra e Idioma","authors":"Nina Otero-Warren","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Maria Adelina Isabel Emilia “Nina” Luna Otero was two years old when her father was murdered in 1883 in the New Mexico Territory. His death was mourned widely by Neuvomexicanos in the territory. They believed he had died contending for his rights, and indeed during this era the courts systematically favored Anglo challenges to Hispanic land grant claims. This attack on Hispanic land ownership and political power was an unavoidable fact of life among Hispanos in the New Mexico Territory. The need to protect their rights framed every other political issue. This chapter centers on Adelina “Nina” Luna Otero-Warren, a member of a politically powerful Hispano family and suffrage leader who later served as the chair of the National Woman’s Party.","PeriodicalId":345152,"journal":{"name":"Recasting the Vote","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126448052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0009
C. Clifford
In 1913, suffragists revived the strategy of amending the U.S. Constitution. Part 2 focuses on the story of women’s activism after this shift from 1913-1917. While the Washington suffrage parade symbolized the possibility of unified womanhood, the moment was fleeting. After the parade, growing racial tensions and divisions over suffrage strategy meant that women of color faced difficult choices regarding the paths they would take forward. Those paths were increasingly constrained by a rising tide of white supremacy. Women’s suffrage activism varied depending on both race and citizenship status. Black women’s suffrage activism was infused with antiracist work. In particular, black women drew specific parallels between race prejudice and sex prejudice to make the case for enfranchising women. For Carrie Clifford, the struggle for citizenship was a cultural battle as well as a political one. Moreover, she, like other black women, recognized that the suffrage struggle faced by her community was not only about woman’s suffrage but also about black men’s right to vote.
{"title":"The Problem of the Color Line","authors":"C. Clifford","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0009","url":null,"abstract":"In 1913, suffragists revived the strategy of amending the U.S. Constitution. Part 2 focuses on the story of women’s activism after this shift from 1913-1917.\u0000While the Washington suffrage parade symbolized the possibility of unified womanhood, the moment was fleeting. After the parade, growing racial tensions and divisions over suffrage strategy meant that women of color faced difficult choices regarding the paths they would take forward. Those paths were increasingly constrained by a rising tide of white supremacy. Women’s suffrage activism varied depending on both race and citizenship status. Black women’s suffrage activism was infused with antiracist work. In particular, black women drew specific parallels between race prejudice and sex prejudice to make the case for enfranchising women. For Carrie Clifford, the struggle for citizenship was a cultural battle as well as a political one. Moreover, she, like other black women, recognized that the suffrage struggle faced by her community was not only about woman’s suffrage but also about black men’s right to vote.","PeriodicalId":345152,"journal":{"name":"Recasting the Vote","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133820674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0020
Nina Otero-Warren
In New Mexico, the general election of 1922 was the first in which women could run for offices other than superintendent of schools, and they did so with gusto. Both parties nominated two women, two of whom were Hispanic. These were some of the first women to run for office after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, and certainly among the first women of color in the nation to do so. The Republicans turned to Nina Otero-Warren, who was already a political powerhouse. Nationally, Otero-Warren was one of three women (and the only Hispana) nominated by the Republican Party to run for Congress in 1922. Otero-Warren campaigned hard using the skills she had honed working for suffrage. Despite her efforts, she lost the election. Otero-Warren was not the only suffragist in New Mexico to run for office. The connections between New Mexico Hispano politicos and the suffragist fight remind us of the important role of political networks and take us back to Washington during the final years of the ratification struggle.
{"title":"Candidata Republicana","authors":"Nina Otero-Warren","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0020","url":null,"abstract":"In New Mexico, the general election of 1922 was the first in which women could run for offices other than superintendent of schools, and they did so with gusto. Both parties nominated two women, two of whom were Hispanic. These were some of the first women to run for office after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, and certainly among the first women of color in the nation to do so. The Republicans turned to Nina Otero-Warren, who was already a political powerhouse. Nationally, Otero-Warren was one of three women (and the only Hispana) nominated by the Republican Party to run for Congress in 1922. Otero-Warren campaigned hard using the skills she had honed working for suffrage. Despite her efforts, she lost the election. Otero-Warren was not the only suffragist in New Mexico to run for office. The connections between New Mexico Hispano politicos and the suffragist fight remind us of the important role of political networks and take us back to Washington during the final years of the ratification struggle.","PeriodicalId":345152,"journal":{"name":"Recasting the Vote","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124808781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0014
C. Cahill
Carrie Chapman Catt, Helen Hamilton Gardener, and Maud Wood Park were savvy and observant politicians. They convinced congressmen to create a Committee on Woman Suffrage in the House of Representatives in early summer 1917. They worked slowly and steadily throughout the war years to convince Congress that women deserved enfranchisement through a national amendment. And they often pointed to the extensive work the nation’s women were doing in the war effort. While on the whole, well-to-do white women were involved in the volunteering to help shepherd the amendment through the process, that did not mean people of color were absent from the congressional process. Women of color were consistently part of these congressional discussions—sometimes directly and sometimes obliquely. For example, since 1912, suffragists and their male allies had petitioned Congress to give the Hawaiian legislature the authority to vote to enfranchise women, and by 1915, both parties in Hawaii had pledged to support the issue. But despite these efforts, they did not convince the Hawaiian legislature to enfranchise women before the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment.
{"title":"Pacific Currents","authors":"C. Cahill","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Carrie Chapman Catt, Helen Hamilton Gardener, and Maud Wood Park were savvy and observant politicians. They convinced congressmen to create a Committee on Woman Suffrage in the House of Representatives in early summer 1917. They worked slowly and steadily throughout the war years to convince Congress that women deserved enfranchisement through a national amendment. And they often pointed to the extensive work the nation’s women were doing in the war effort. While on the whole, well-to-do white women were involved in the volunteering to help shepherd the amendment through the process, that did not mean people of color were absent from the congressional process. Women of color were consistently part of these congressional discussions—sometimes directly and sometimes obliquely. For example, since 1912, suffragists and their male allies had petitioned Congress to give the Hawaiian legislature the authority to vote to enfranchise women, and by 1915, both parties in Hawaii had pledged to support the issue. But despite these efforts, they did not convince the Hawaiian legislature to enfranchise women before the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment.","PeriodicalId":345152,"journal":{"name":"Recasting the Vote","volume":"301 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121462497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0011
Nina Otero-Warren
In 1912 New Mexico entered the union as the forty-seventh state. When national suffragist leaders announced their new drive for a constitutional amendment with the 1913 Washington suffrage parade, New Mexican women took notice. Supporters of women’s right to vote in New Mexico understood the need to work for a federal solution, and therefore the National American Woman Suffrage Association, with its primary focus on state legislation, held less promise than the new Congressional Union. Nina Otero-Warren exemplified the elite Hispanic women who became suffrage work leaders in the former Mexican territories of New Mexico and California.
1912年，新墨西哥加入联邦，成为美国第47个州。1913年，全国妇女参政运动领袖在华盛顿举行选举权游行，宣布他们推动宪法修正案的新运动，新墨西哥妇女注意到了这一点。新墨西哥州妇女投票权的支持者明白，需要为联邦解决方案而努力，因此，主要关注州立法的全国美国妇女选举权协会(National American Woman Suffrage Association)比新成立的国会联盟(Congressional Union)更没有希望。尼娜·奥特罗-沃伦(Nina Otero-Warren)是前墨西哥属地新墨西哥州和加利福尼亚州的西班牙裔精英妇女中成为选举权运动领袖的典范。
{"title":"To Speak for the Spanish American Women","authors":"Nina Otero-Warren","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0011","url":null,"abstract":"In 1912 New Mexico entered the union as the forty-seventh state. When national suffragist leaders announced their new drive for a constitutional amendment with the 1913 Washington suffrage parade, New Mexican women took notice. Supporters of women’s right to vote in New Mexico understood the need to work for a federal solution, and therefore the National American Woman Suffrage Association, with its primary focus on state legislation, held less promise than the new Congressional Union. Nina Otero-Warren exemplified the elite Hispanic women who became suffrage work leaders in the former Mexican territories of New Mexico and California.","PeriodicalId":345152,"journal":{"name":"Recasting the Vote","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115637006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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