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Green Großraum: Carl Schmitt’s political ecology of space 绿色空间:卡尔-施密特的空间政治生态学
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.30671/nordia.121455
John Peter Antonacci
How scholars conceptualize the driving forces of planetary crisis is intimately connected to how they conceptualize solutions to it. Recent scholarship has drawn on the work of Carl Schmitt, Nazi jurist and political philosopher, to articulate concepts in political ecology. These works of political ecology, however, do not engage with the problematic political history of the work and concepts developed by Schmitt. This article asks: what kinds of assumptions do we adopt when deploying Schmitt’s geographical, political, and ecological conceptual apparati? First, the article draws on the work of Minca and Rowan (2015, 2016) and Giaccaria and Minca (2016) to argue that Schmitt’s thought is geographical, that Nazi geographical thought was intimately tied to geographies of conquest on the part of the Nazis. It argues that Schmitt’s concept of Großraum or “greater space/ sphere of influence” is bound up with Schmitt’s and the Nazi’s politics of an ethnically/ racially motivated politics of “Friend versus Enemy.” The article then evaluates Schmitt’s concept of the political and considers its implications in relation to the environmental crisis of contemporary conjuncture, arguing that Schmitt’s amorphous conceptualization of the political allows the distinction between friend and enemy to be left open to interpretation, making it possible for both intellectuals and green political parties to articulate xenophobic and reactionary political positions in environmental terms.
学者如何概念化地球危机的驱动力与他们如何概念化解决方案密切相关。最近的学术研究借鉴了纳粹法学家和政治哲学家卡尔·施密特(Carl Schmitt)的工作,阐明了政治生态学中的概念。然而,这些政治生态学的作品并没有涉及到施密特作品和概念中存在问题的政治历史。本文提出的问题是:在运用施密特的地理、政治和生态概念装置时,我们采用什么样的假设?首先,文章借鉴了Minca和Rowan(2015, 2016)以及Giaccaria和Minca(2016)的工作,认为施密特的思想是地理的,纳粹的地理思想与纳粹的征服地理密切相关。它认为Schmitt的Großraum或“更大的空间/影响范围”的概念与Schmitt和纳粹的“朋友对敌人”的种族/种族政治紧密相连。文章随后评估了施密特的政治概念,并考虑了其与当代环境危机的关系,认为施密特的无定形的政治概念允许朋友和敌人之间的区别留下开放的解释,使得知识分子和绿色政党都有可能在环境方面阐明仇外和反动的政治立场。
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引用次数: 0
Shifting notions of the rural: Protests over traffic infrastructure and far-right normalization 农村观念的转变:对交通基础设施的抗议和极右派的正常化
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.30671/nordia.122137
Valentin Domann
Current far-right attitudes to the climate crisis are highly ambivalent, oscillating between the glorification of nature and ideological fragments of “fossil fascism”. Invocations of “the rural” serve as semantic mediations, enabling populist radical right parties (PRRPs) to apply seemingly frictionless and multi-scalar narratives of far-right ecology to rural protests. Applying relational and scale-sensitive approaches can help to disentangle how far-right discursive and political effort ties into and transforms spatial imaginaries. This paper discusses the role of rurality for populist scalar re-articulations and the impact of the latter on local communities. Drawing on findings from a qualitative longitudinal study in small towns in Brandenburg, Germany, the paper shows how local PRRP chapters create a specific notion of ‘rural rationality’ that helps to normalize far-right politics and politicians at the local scale, contrasting a proclaimed albeit abstract cordon sanitaire.
当前极右翼对气候危机的态度非常矛盾,在美化自然和 "化石法西斯主义 "的意识形态片段之间摇摆不定。对 "农村 "的引用起到了语义中介的作用,使民粹主义激进右翼政党(PRRPs)能够将看似无摩擦、多尺度的极右生态学叙事应用到农村抗议活动中。运用关系和规模敏感方法有助于厘清极右翼的话语和政治努力如何与空间想象相联系并改变空间想象。本文讨论了乡村对民粹主义标度重新阐述的作用,以及后者对当地社区的影响。通过对德国勃兰登堡州小城镇的纵向定性研究结果,本文展示了地方民粹主义改革方案章节如何创造出一种特定的 "乡村理性 "概念,这种概念有助于在地方范围内将极右政治和政治家正常化,与宣称的尽管抽象的 "警戒线 "形成鲜明对比。
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引用次数: 0
Far-right localism as an environmental strategy in France 法国极右翼地方主义的环保战略
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.30671/nordia.140962
Lise Benoist
This paper discusses the promotion of localism as an environmental strategy by actors on the French far right. Far-right localism constitutes an example of mutating far-right ecological discourses on the denialism-ecofascism spectrum that further promotes far-right ideology under a ‘green’ banner. In this commentary I use empirical examples from the far right in France to show how this localism, which advocates a nativist rootedness in an exclusionary local, is upheld as a prerequisite for effective environmentalism. Such a strategy mobilises a reactionary conceptualisation of place that defends an exclusionary attachment to the local environment. Far-right localism feeds and revolves around an identitarian, naturalist and organicist conception of ecology typical of far-right ecologies, as well as the wish to supplant the left/right divide with a global/local one. This paper brings into conversation the fields of human geography and the political ecologies of the far right to contribute to a better understanding of constructed meanings of place by far-right actors in the context of climate change and ecological degradation. It furthermore encourages scholars across fields to keep investigating and disentangling complex affinities between ideologies of nature, identity (re-)production, belonging and resistance in conceptualisations and meanings of place.
本文讨论了法国极右翼行动者将地方主义作为环境战略加以推广的问题。极右翼地方主义是极右翼生态话语在否认主义-生态法西斯主义光谱上变异的一个例子,它在 "绿色 "旗帜下进一步促进了极右翼意识形态。在这篇评论中,我使用了法国极右翼的实证例子,来说明这种地方主义如何将本土主义植根于排斥性的地方作为有效环保主义的先决条件。这种策略动员了一种反动的地方概念,捍卫了对当地环境的排斥性依附。极右翼地方主义滋养并围绕着极右翼生态学典型的身份主义、自然主义和有机主义生态概念,以及以全球/地方划分取代左/右划分的愿望。本文将人文地理学领域与极右翼政治生态学领域结合起来,有助于更好地理解极右翼行动者在气候变化和生态退化背景下对地方的建构意义。此外,本文还鼓励各领域的学者继续研究和理清自然意识形态、身份认同(再)生产、归属感和地方概念和意义中的反抗之间复杂的亲缘关系。
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引用次数: 0
The spatial politics of depoliticization: Visionary planning, bioeconomy, and forest capital 非政治化的空间政治:前瞻性规划、生物经济和森林资本
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.30671/nordia.129114
Ville Kellokumpu
Depoliticization is a pivotal political strategy that defines the contemporary governance of core capitalist democracies. This thesis asks how depoliticization manifests itself as a political strategy in the spatial restructuring of the Finnish state space. The spatial politics of depoliticization are examined by the three thesis articles, which focus on visionary planning in urban politics, the legitimation of the forest bioeconomy in the public sphere, and Finnish forest capital’s attempt to influence the state’s strategic direction. These perspectives provide a holistic view of the various depoliticizing and politicizing tendencies, as well as the political and economic contradictions affecting spatial change in Finland.The thesis examines the societal base of depoliticization by focusing on how capitalist social relations and the capitalist mode of production condition the constitution and differentiation of societal spheres. The differentiation of the economic and the political sphere and the resulting ecological dominance of “the economy” under capitalism provides a unique setting for depoliticization to appear in the form of economization. Acts of demarcation between the political and the economic spheres are based on ontological abstraction, which then faces humanity as a real and concrete product of social activity. The thesis applies strategic-relational state theory and the theories of uneven development to examine depoliticization.Depoliticization emerges in the context of competing growth models that have a diverging conception of the spatial division of labor in Finland. Amidst urbanization, the urban growth-focused city-regionalist model posits a “winner takes all” spatial structure in which a few select urban areas compete against their global counterparts to attract capital and investment. In contrast, the bioeconomy model seeks to halt the rural decline by transforming the resource-dependent regional economies into ostensibly more sustainable production models, thereby reinvigorating a dispersed spatial structure.Article I analyzes the depoliticization of visionary planning in the case of the Oulu City Center Vision 2040 project by observing and engaging with policy documentation, research reports, planning events, and the vision itself. Article II examines the depoliticization of the bioeconomy in the context of the 2019 parliamentary elections in Finland through a collection of newspaper articles and items between July 2018 and January 2020. Article III investigates the forest conglomerate UPM’s attempt to politicize the Kaipola paper mill shutdown in August 2020 by using statistical data, the public strategies of UPM, and the online and news media around the Kaipola debate. The cultural political economy (CPE) approach developed prominently by Jessop and Sum forms the overarching methodological framework of the thesis and focuses on the dialectics of materiality and discursivity in political-economic imaginaries. The thesi
去政治化是界定当代核心资本主义民主国家治理的关键政治策略。本文探讨了去政治化如何在芬兰国家空间的空间重构中作为一种政治策略表现出来。这三篇论文考察了非政治化的空间政治,重点是城市政治中的远见规划,公共领域中森林生物经济的合法性,以及芬兰森林资本影响国家战略方向的尝试。这些观点提供了对各种去政治化和政治化趋势的整体看法,以及影响芬兰空间变化的政治和经济矛盾。本文通过考察资本主义社会关系和资本主义生产方式如何制约社会领域的构成和分化来考察非政治化的社会基础。经济和政治领域的分化以及由此产生的“经济”在资本主义制度下的生态主导地位,为以经济化形式出现的去政治化提供了独特的环境。划分政治和经济领域的行为是以本体论的抽象为基础的,它把人类作为社会活动的真实和具体的产物来面对。本文运用战略关系国家理论和不平衡发展理论来考察非政治化。去政治化出现在竞争增长模式的背景下,这些模式对芬兰的空间劳动分工有着不同的概念。在城市化过程中,以城市增长为中心的城市区域主义模式假设了一种“赢家通吃”的空间结构,在这种结构中,少数精选的城市地区与全球同行竞争,以吸引资本和投资。相比之下,生物经济模式试图通过将依赖资源的区域经济转变为表面上更可持续的生产模式,从而重振分散的空间结构,从而阻止农村的衰落。文章1通过观察和参与政策文件、研究报告、规划事件和愿景本身,分析了奥卢城市中心愿景2040项目的非政治化。第二篇文章通过收集2018年7月至2020年1月期间的报纸文章和项目,在2019年芬兰议会选举的背景下研究了生物经济的去政治化。第三条调查了森林集团芬欧汇川试图将2020年8月凯波拉造纸厂关闭事件政治化,方法包括统计数据、芬欧汇川的公共战略以及围绕凯波拉造纸厂的在线和新闻媒体辩论。由杰索普和苏姆突出发展的文化政治经济学(CPE)方法构成了本文的总体方法论框架,并侧重于政治经济想象中的物质性和话语性的辩证法。本文运用cpe启发下的批判性话语分析来考察去政治化的空间政治。这篇论文的总体贡献揭示了政治领域与其他社会领域以及资本主义社会的社会整体之间的物质相互依赖如何为政治创造了一个特定的场所,从而制约了其运作自主性。去政治化的空间政治是通过国家空间发展的不同政治-经济想象来展开的,不同的资本成分、政党、地区和阶级利益都依附于这些想象。去政治化的概念延伸和广泛使用被认为是文献中关键和非常棘手的问题。为了保持去政治化分析的清晰性,本文认为,去政治化应该更好地立足于每个语境的物质发展,以更排他性的政治概念回避泛政治主义,甚至在去政治化分析中从根本上去中心化政治和政治。对去政治化的规范性批判应该从批判政治的层面转向对社会总体的批判,社会总体为政治创造了一个特定的场所。
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引用次数: 0
Looking beyond climate contrarianism: nationalism and the reterritorialization of climate discourse in Spain’s Vox party 超越气候逆向主义:民族主义和西班牙Vox党气候话语的再领土化
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.30671/nordia.121511
J. Hanson
Among European populist radical right (PRR) parties, the call for environmental protection has historically been embedded in ethnic nationalist ideas of the interrelation of land, nation, and culture. Despite a large body of literature on PRR environmentalism, however, the PRR’s climate politics remain understudied. This qualitative study investigates the climate politics of the PRR by analyzing climate discourse from Spain’s Vox party. A discourse analysis of party manifestos, press releases, and public statements from 2017–2022 investigates Vox’s discursive constructions of climate change and its potential solutions. The study finds that, although the party acknowledges climate change, it does so inconsistently, and its proposed climate policies do not fundamentally shift its nativist and populist political imagination. Instead, its discourse portrays multilateral climate action as a threat to the nation and locates climate solutions in the preservation of ruralism, traditional livelihoods, and national identity. The article argues that Vox constructs a nationalist climate discourse that reterritorializes climate change on the national level, asserts national innocence in the face of claims of global climate justice, and frames mainstream climate action as part of a broader globalist imposition that threatens the purity of national culture. The article concludes with reflections on what nationalist climate discourse may mean for attempts to mitigate the climate crisis.
在欧洲民粹主义激进右翼(PRR)政党中,对环境保护的呼吁历来植根于土地、民族和文化相互关系的民族主义思想中。然而,尽管有大量关于PRR环保主义的文献,PRR的气候政治仍未得到充分研究。本定性研究通过分析西班牙Vox党的气候话语来调查PRR的气候政治。对2017-2022年政党宣言、新闻稿和公开声明的话语分析,调查了Vox对气候变化及其潜在解决方案的话语构建。该研究发现,尽管该党承认气候变化,但并不一致,其提出的气候政策并没有从根本上改变其本土主义和民粹主义的政治想象。相反,它的话语将多边气候行动描述为对国家的威胁,并将气候解决方案定位于保护乡村主义、传统生计和民族认同。文章认为,Vox构建了一种民族主义的气候话语,在国家层面上重新界定了气候变化,在全球气候正义的主张面前断言国家的清白,并将主流气候行动框架为威胁民族文化纯洁性的更广泛的全球主义强加的一部分。文章最后反思了民族主义气候话语对缓解气候危机的尝试可能意味着什么。
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引用次数: 0
Governing “decadent cities”: The far-right as agents of climate counterinsurgency 治理“颓废的城市”:极右翼作为气候平叛的代理人
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.30671/nordia.121505
Diren Valayden
Ecological crisis has given rise to a range of discussions over “climate fascism,” “green nationalism,” “fossil fascism,” and “eco-fascism.” Several authors have advanced the thesis that climate adaptation will be shaped by an increase in authoritarian politics or an uptick in organized violence (e.g. at the borders of nation-states) as states deploy counterinsurgency tactics against climate refugees and environmental activists. My article inverts this proposition by arguing that far right politics emerges as a contingent possibility in the mode of counterinsurgency governance. I propose the framework of “relations of counterinsurgency” as a means of understanding how counterinsurgency manages crises of urban governability by remaking the spaces of uneven urbanization. I then argue that to theorize contemporary far right climate politics, we should ask what the term eco-fascism does rather than what it is. My argument is that, as climate change makes increasing claims upon political institutions, relations of counterinsurgency allow far right actors to constitute their agency and subjectivity.
生态危机引发了一系列关于“气候法西斯主义”、“绿色民族主义”、“化石法西斯主义”和“生态法西斯主义”的讨论。一些作者提出了这样的论点:随着国家对气候难民和环境活动家采取平叛策略,威权政治的增加或有组织暴力(例如在民族国家的边界)的增加将影响气候适应。我的文章颠倒了这一命题,认为极右翼政治在反叛乱治理模式中是一种偶然的可能性。我提出了“平叛关系”的框架,作为理解平叛如何通过重塑不平衡的城市化空间来管理城市治理危机的一种手段。然后我认为,要将当代极右翼气候政治理论化,我们应该问生态法西斯主义这个词是做什么的,而不是它是什么。我的观点是,随着气候变化对政治机构的要求越来越高,反叛乱的关系允许极右翼行动者构成他们的能动性和主体性。
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引用次数: 0
Imagining Finland: negotiating the sense of self through return imaginaries 想象芬兰:通过回归想象来协商自我意识
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-12 DOI: 10.30671/nordia.113329
Evi-Carita Riikonen
When embarking on a migration journey, migrants cultivate personal ideas of themselves ‘here’ and ‘there’. This includes one’s reflections about a possible return – the return imaginaries. They emerge from the time-, place- and person-specific ideas, attitudes, feelings and possibilities before, and after, relocation. Through a digital ethnographic study, this paper seeks to expand the research done on how the so-called ‘middling’ migrants negotiate the sense of self through return imaginaries. I discuss one such group, Finns, in the UK and ask ‘what is the role of return imaginaries in negotiating the sense of self in Finns’ translocal place-making in the UK?’. The results show that Finns’ return imaginaries function as a framework for positioning and reaffirming the self in relation to the UK and Finland during one’s migration trajectory. In relation to their idea of return, Finns negotiate the questions ‘who am I?’ and ‘who do I want to be?’. Through reflecting on the everydayness in the UK and Finland, and their ideas about return visits, Finns produce a ‘translocal sense of self’.
在踏上移民之旅时,移民会培养自己“在这里”和“在那里”的个人观念。这包括一个人对可能的回归的思考——回归的想象。它们来自于搬迁前后的时间、地点和个人特定的想法、态度、感觉和可能性。通过一项数字人种学研究,本文试图扩展关于所谓的“中等”移民如何通过回归想象来协商自我意识的研究。我讨论了一个这样的群体,在英国的芬兰人,并问“在芬兰人在英国的跨地域场所创造中,回归想象在协商自我意识方面的作用是什么?”结果表明,芬兰人的回归想象作为一个框架,在一个人的移民轨迹中定位和重申与英国和芬兰有关的自我。关于他们回归的想法,芬兰人会讨论“我是谁?”以及“我想成为什么样的人?”通过反思英国和芬兰的日常生活,以及他们对回访的看法,芬兰人产生了一种“跨地域的自我意识”。
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引用次数: 0
Seeking common ground: On possible dialogues between Marxisms and Political Ontology 寻求共同点:马克思主义与政治本体论的可能对话
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.30671/nordia.116928
Carlos Tornel
This commentary seeks to flesh out a series of ongoing debates regarding Marxism, Latin American decolonial thought and the rise of political ontology. I deal with several issues that emerged in conversations with Arturo Escobar, Jason W. Moore, and the commentaries in this theme issue. I identify three main points of entry. The first one comes from engaging with Marx’s writings in the second part of his life. As Marx moved away from a teleological understanding of history, he saw capitalism as a totality, which allowed him to look beyond the rise of the bourgeoisie toward the possibility of emancipation beyond capitalism. The second entry comes from analyzing the history of the social movements emerging in Latin America, 500 years after colonization began. I argue that the genealogy of emancipatory struggles can guide the emergence of a pluriverse of alternatives. The last point of entry comes from the critiques formulated against political ontology. These points of entry open new avenues for discussion to listen and learn with and from the subaltern and provides some examples of bringing political ontology into a dialogue with other forms of Latin American Indigenous resistance and struggles for re-existence.
这篇评论试图充实关于马克思主义、拉丁美洲非殖民思想和政治本体论兴起的一系列正在进行的辩论。在与Arturo Escobar、Jason W. Moore的对话中,我处理了几个问题,以及本期主题的评论。我确定了三个主要入口。第一点来自于对马克思后半生著作的研究。随着马克思从对历史的目的论理解中走出来,他将资本主义视为一个整体,这使他能够超越资产阶级的崛起,看到资本主义之外解放的可能性。第二个条目来自对殖民开始500年后拉丁美洲出现的社会运动历史的分析。我认为解放斗争的谱系可以引导多种选择的出现。最后一个切入点来自对政治本体论的批判。这些切入点开辟了新的讨论途径,倾听和学习下层人民,并提供了一些将政治本体论与其他形式的拉丁美洲土著抵抗和争取再存在的斗争进行对话的例子。
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引用次数: 1
Editorial to Re-worlding: Pluriversal Politics in the Anthropocene 《再造世界:人类世的多元政治》社论
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.30671/nordia.116927
Carlos Tornel, Aapo Lundén
first fact about the contemporary world is accelerated growth”. “Imagination also enables us to do things together politically: a new way of seeing the world can be a way of valuing it - a map of things worth saving, or of a future worth creating”.
当代世界的第一个事实是加速增长。”“想象力还使我们能够在政治上一起做事:一种看待世界的新方式可能是一种评估世界的方式——一幅值得拯救的事物或值得创造的未来的地图。”
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引用次数: 2
The Insurgent Universal: Between Eurocentric Universalism and the Pluriverse 反叛的宇宙:在欧洲中心的普遍主义和多元宇宙之间
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.30671/nordia.116150
Japhy Wilson
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引用次数: 2
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