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The military geographies of Denmark: a new place in a familiar landscape 丹麦的军事地理:熟悉的风景中的一个新地方
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-06 DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2022.2046470
Esben Salling Larsen
ABSTRACT Military geography is implicit in many geopolitical arguments that come with the increased great power competition. However, as military geography is one of the disciplines that informs and constitutes geopolitics it is prudent to move beyond geographical metaphors and make the military geography explicit in the argument in order to gain a better understanding of geopolitics. Using Denmark as a case, this article compares Danish military geography during the Cold War and now in the era of emerging great power competition. Danish military geography changed during the Cold War from a straits to a vulnerable flank. In the post-Cold War era, Denmark became a safe area at a long distance from expeditionary operations and is now emerging as a defendable staging area in the era of great power competition. This case shows that the military geography changed significantly with new technologies, strategies and the adversaries’ capabilities during the Cold War. We should likewise expect the military geography to be constantly changing in the new great power rivalry.
随着大国竞争的加剧,军事地理隐含在许多地缘政治争论中。然而,由于军事地理学是影响和构成地缘政治的学科之一,因此,为了更好地理解地缘政治,谨慎的做法是超越地理隐喻,在争论中明确军事地理学。本文以丹麦为例,比较了冷战时期和新兴大国竞争时代的丹麦军事地理。丹麦的军事地理在冷战期间从海峡变成了脆弱的侧翼。在后冷战时代,丹麦成为远离远征作战的安全地区,现在正成为大国竞争时代的可防御集结地。这个案例表明,冷战期间,随着新技术、新战略和对手的能力,军事地理发生了重大变化。同样,我们应该期待军事地理在新的大国竞争中不断变化。
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引用次数: 1
Civil–military interactions during non-conflict humanitarian crises: a time to assess the relationship 非冲突人道主义危机期间的军民互动:评估关系的时机
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-02 DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2022.2046471
Dilshad Jaff, L. Margolis, Edward Reeder
ABSTRACT Humanitarian agencies and military forces are increasingly interacting on the ground during humanitarian crises. These evolving relationships are often complicated and bring forward many implementation challenges. This paper repurposes this debate by describing three non-conflict humanitarian case studies and using them to reflect on the problematic history and applicability of formal frameworks and guidelines. Recommendations to improve the structures and processes for implementation of relief strategies are offered. If the delivery of humanitarian assistance during non-conflict humanitarian crises is to be efficient, civil–military interactions should receive greater systematic attention.
摘要:在人道主义危机期间,人道主义机构和军队在当地的互动越来越多。这些不断发展的关系往往很复杂,并带来许多实施挑战。本文件通过描述三个非冲突人道主义案例研究,重新调整了这场辩论的用途,并利用它们来反思正式框架和准则的问题历史和适用性。提出了改进救济战略执行结构和程序的建议。如果要在非冲突人道主义危机期间有效地提供人道主义援助,就应更加系统地关注军民互动。
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引用次数: 1
Organisational learning during the Donbas War: the development of Ukrainian Armed Forces lessons-learned processes 顿巴斯战争期间的组织学习:乌克兰武装部队经验教训学习过程的发展
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2022.2037427
Tom Dyson, Y. Pashchuk
ABSTRACT This article examines the development and performance of formal organisational learning processes in the Ukrainian Armed Forces (UAF) during the Donbas War (2014-present). Through original empirical research conducted with UAF personnel and documentary analysis, the article develops understanding about the detail of UAF lessons-learned processes and their effectiveness in helping to recalibrate UAF activities to operational demands. The article finds that the performance of UAF lessons-learned processes during the Donbas War has, on the whole, been poor. Since the escalation of Russian aggression in 2014, some positive steps which have been taken to implement best-practices in UAF lessons-learned processes. However, the article uncovers a number of organisational activities, structures and processes which could be improved to weaken the negative impact of bureaucratic politics and organisational culture on learning. It concludes with recommendations for the further development of UAF lessons-learned processes. The article highlights the particular importance of improving the capacity of the civilian leadership to exert effective oversight of military learning and of US and NATO support for these efforts.
本文考察了顿巴斯战争(2014年至今)期间乌克兰武装部队(UAF)正式组织学习过程的发展和表现。通过与UAF人员进行的原始实证研究和文献分析,本文对UAF经验教训学习过程的细节及其在帮助重新校准UAF活动以满足操作需求方面的有效性进行了了解。文章发现,在顿巴斯战争期间,UAF的经验教训学习过程总体上表现不佳。自2014年俄罗斯侵略升级以来,已经采取了一些积极措施,在UAF的经验教训过程中实施最佳实践。然而,文章揭示了一些可以改进的组织活动、结构和过程,以削弱官僚政治和组织文化对学习的负面影响。最后提出了进一步发展UAF经验教训过程的建议。这篇文章强调了提高文职领导对军事学习以及美国和北约对这些努力的支持进行有效监督的能力的特别重要性。
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引用次数: 2
Understanding the ambition in the EU’s Strategic Compass: a case for optimism at last? 理解欧盟战略指南的雄心:终于有理由乐观了吗?
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-17 DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2022.2036608
Simon Sweeney, N. Winn
ABSTRACT The quest for substance, capability, and strategic autonomy goes on – or does it? Is the objective of CSDP territorial defence and strategic autonomy, or crisis management and softer security concerns like peacekeeping, border management, protection of shipping lanes, and/or cyber security? The Union needs to move beyond familiar complaints about the lack of common strategic culture and EU intrusion into NATO responsibilities. Geostrategic and economic imperatives dictate that the EU should progress CSDP beyond civilian crisis management in the EU Neighbourhood, and military training and security sector reform (SSR). The Strategic Compass must signal CSDP clarity of objectives, coherence, enhanced capability, and appropriate burden sharing with NATO. The response to the Strategic Compass must build European strategic autonomy in ways that strengthen NATO. For military strategic and economic reasons, both the EU and the post-Brexit UK need intensive cooperation to maintain their geostrategic relevance and strengthen the NATO alliance. This paper reflects on prospects for the EU Strategic Compass and offers timely analysis of recent trends in EU foreign and security policy and expresses cautious optimism regarding the enhanced European strategic autonomy/actorness.
对实质、能力和战略自主的追求还在继续——或者是这样吗?CSDP的目标是领土防御和战略自治,还是危机管理和维和、边境管理、航道保护和/或网络安全等软安全问题?欧盟需要超越对缺乏共同战略文化和欧盟插手北约职责的抱怨。地缘战略和经济需求要求欧盟应将CSDP推进到欧盟邻国的民事危机管理、军事训练和安全部门改革(SSR)之外。战略指南针必须向CSDP发出明确的目标、一致性、增强的能力以及与北约适当分担负担的信号。对战略指南针的回应必须以加强北约的方式建立欧洲的战略自主权。出于军事战略和经济原因,欧盟和脱欧后的英国都需要密切合作,以保持地缘战略相关性,加强北约联盟。本文反思了欧盟战略指南针的前景,及时分析了欧盟外交和安全政策的最新趋势,并对欧洲战略自主性/行动者性的增强表示谨慎乐观。
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引用次数: 7
Defence industries and open innovation: ways to increase military capabilities of the Portuguese ground forces 国防工业和开放式创新:提高葡萄牙地面部队军事能力的途径
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2022.2033117
João Reis, N. Melão, Jóana Cósta, Bohuslav Pernica
ABSTRACT The European Defence Industry is undergoing profound changes. Industrial activity is now operating on a quintuple helix innovation model with the deep involvement of universities and governments in innovation. In addition, military innovations are being transferred to civil society, with increasing attention paid to the environment. In the first stage, we report on the state-of-the-art of existing research using PRISMA protocol. The PRISMA technique is widely accepted by the academic community for its ability to discover concepts, ideas, and debates about the defence industry. In the second stage, we present a case study involving the Portuguese Defence Industry, for which multiple data collection sources were used to ensure triangulation and corroboration. The results show that, in the light of the quintuple helix innovation model, it was possible to bring applications from theoretical discussion to real life. Moreover, within the scope of the triple helix, it was possible to develop, produce and test military products, allowing to improve the military capacity of ground forces. In the future, ecological concerns will likely increase, so we suggest a greater focus on this area of research.
摘要:欧洲国防工业正在发生深刻变化。在大学和政府深入参与创新的情况下,工业活动目前正以五重螺旋创新模式运作。此外,随着对环境的日益关注,军事创新正在向民间社会转移。在第一阶段,我们报告了使用PRISMA协议的现有研究的最新进展。PRISMA技术因其发现国防工业概念、想法和辩论的能力而被学术界广泛接受。在第二阶段,我们介绍了一个涉及葡萄牙国防工业的案例研究,其中使用了多个数据收集来源来确保三角测量和确证。结果表明,在五重螺旋创新模型的指导下,可以将理论讨论应用到实际生活中。此外,在三螺旋的范围内,可以开发、生产和测试军事产品,从而提高地面部队的军事能力。未来,生态问题可能会增加,因此我们建议更多地关注这一研究领域。
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引用次数: 2
Modernizing or equalizing? Defence budget and military modernization in the Philippines, 2010 – 2020 现代化还是均衡化?2010-2020年菲律宾国防预算和军事现代化
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2022.2030713
J. Amador, D. Baladjay, Sheena Valenzuela
ABSTRACT The Republic Act (R.A.) 10,349, otherwise known as the Revised Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Modernization Program, is a recapturing of the AFP’s initial efforts at modernizing. Successor to R.A. 7898, the document reorients the priorities and the fiscal responsibilities of the Philippine government in ensuring the modernization of the armed forces into the twenty-first century. The concept of modernization 25 years onward has matured but it has barely deepened in implementation much to the detriment of AFP itself. Despite warnings of external security threats, the study has found nominal evidence hinting at the defence budget’s continuous prioritization of internal security threats. The study has likewise found that modernization funds set forth by R.A. 10,349 are not utilized to “modernize” the armed forces in the truest sense of the word. The study recommends addressing this issue of prioritization before any further attempt at military modernization.
共和国法案(R.A.) 10,349,也被称为菲律宾修订武装部队现代化计划,是对菲律宾武装部队最初现代化努力的重新夺回。作为R.A. 7898的继承者,该文件重新定位了菲律宾政府在确保武装部队现代化进入21世纪方面的优先事项和财政责任。25年来,现代化的概念已经成熟,但在实施方面几乎没有深化,这对法新社本身造成了很大的损害。尽管对外部安全威胁发出了警告,但该研究发现,名义上的证据暗示,国防预算持续优先考虑内部安全威胁。这项研究还发现,第10 349号法令所规定的现代化基金并没有被用于最真正意义上的武装部队“现代化”。该研究建议在任何进一步的军事现代化尝试之前解决这一优先问题。
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引用次数: 1
The centre of gravity concept: contemporary theories, comparison, and implications 重心概念:当代理论、比较与启示
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2022.2030715
E. L. Meyer
ABSTRACT This article applies grounded theory and epistemological, teleological, ontological, and methodological (ETOM) lenses to describe the prevalent contemporary theories of the centre of gravity concept, originated by Carl von Clausewitz. These include the theories of John Warden, Joe Strange & Richard Iron, Antulio Echevarria II, Milan Vego, Dale Eikmeier, and Jacob Barfoed. The article then compares the theories across 14 deduced theoretical aspects and produces a comparison matrix, that can be used as an analytical tool, and discusses implications as guidance for further research and doctrine development. The article argues that the term “centre of gravity” is polluted, and that the application of the term in military planning and doctrines requires careful attention to the specific theory being applied, so that logical consistency and clear, accurate communication is achieved. Alternatively, the concept may be removed from doctrine altogether, renovated with inclusion of a new unpolluted term, or reconstructed with removal of the centre of gravity, leaving a “critical factor analysis” concept behind. This article also provides a level of granularity to the debate about the concept, that renders critics like Paparone & Davis Jr and Zweibelson partly irrelevant and can provide a more nuanced and qualitative basis for future discussion.
本文运用扎根理论和认识论、目的论、本体论和方法论(ETOM)的视角来描述由卡尔·冯·克劳塞维茨(Carl von Clausewitz)发起的当代流行的重心概念理论。其中包括约翰·沃登、乔·斯特兰奇和理查德·铁、安图里奥·埃切瓦里亚二世、米兰·维戈、戴尔·艾克迈尔和雅各布·巴福德的理论。然后,文章从14个推论的理论方面对这些理论进行比较,并产生一个比较矩阵,可以作为分析工具,并讨论其影响,作为进一步研究和理论发展的指导。文章认为,“重心”一词受到了污染,在军事规划和理论中使用这个词需要仔细注意所应用的具体理论,以便达到逻辑上的一致性和清晰、准确的沟通。或者,这个概念可以完全从理论中删除,重新装修,包括一个新的未受污染的术语,或者通过删除重心来重建,留下“关键因素分析”的概念。这篇文章还提供了一个关于这个概念的争论的粒度级别,这使得像Paparone & Davis Jr和Zweibelson这样的批评者在一定程度上无关紧要,并且可以为未来的讨论提供更细致和定性的基础。
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引用次数: 2
Estimating the alliance effect: a synthetic control approach 联盟效应的估计:一种综合控制方法
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2022.2030712
Nicole Stoelinga
ABSTRACT In a time of rising threat, recurring discussions about burden sharing within NATO and twenty years after the start of the “war on terrorism,” I explore a novel idea in the field of alliance and defense spending: the effect of alliance membership on defense spending in response to a threat. Instead of estimating the determinants of defense spending or burden sharing among members, this paper focuses on two types of states (small and large) and how alliance membership shapes their response to threat. Using the synthetic control method, I create a comparison unit for each type consisting of a weighted average of non-NATO, European countries. 2001 is considered as the starting year of widespread threat, caused by a sudden increase in transnational terrorism. This way, I can estimate the “alliance effect.” I find that both types of states have stronger (positive) response to threat as NATO members, compared to if they would not have been part of the alliance.
摘要在威胁不断加剧、北约内部关于负担分担的反复讨论以及“反恐战争”开始20年后,我在联盟和国防开支领域探索了一个新的想法:联盟成员国身份对应对威胁的国防开支的影响。本文没有估计国防开支或成员国之间分担负担的决定因素,而是关注两种类型的国家(小型和大型),以及联盟成员国如何塑造他们对威胁的反应。使用综合控制方法,我为每种类型创建了一个比较单元,由非北约、欧洲国家的加权平均值组成。2001年被认为是跨国恐怖主义突然增加所造成的广泛威胁的开始年份。通过这种方式,我可以估计“联盟效应”。我发现,与不加入北约的国家相比,这两种类型的国家作为北约成员国对威胁的反应都更强(积极)。
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引用次数: 1
The Russian hybrid warfare: the cases of Ukraine and Georgia 俄罗斯的混合战争:以乌克兰和格鲁吉亚为例
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-21 DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2022.2030714
I. Muradov
ABSTRACT The term “Hybrid Warfare” has been defined and redefined in multiple diverse manners in the past two decades. Conventionally the concept of Hybrid Wars referred to a combination of regular and irregular forces to obtain synergy on the battlespace. However, following the Russian annexation of Crimea and the destabilization of Eastern Ukraine, the Western community has revisited the definition of Hybrid Wars and reconceptualized it. Interestingly, this term is approached by Russia and the West in quite a different style, as per their own purpose, i.e Russia claims to be a victim of Hybrid Wards waged by the West. This research investigates the philosophy of the two mentioned versions of Hybrid Warfare and finds both irrelevant to comprehend Russia’s wars in the post-Soviet geography. Instead, it suggests to retreat to the original definition of hybrid warfare, in the context of Ukraine and Georgia cases and thereby argues that Russia performs hybrid warfare to restrict foreign policy maneuverabilities of the former Soviet republics.
在过去的二十年中,“混合战争”一词已经以多种不同的方式被定义和重新定义。传统上,混合战争的概念是指正规和非正规部队的结合,以获得战场空间的协同作用。然而,随着俄罗斯吞并克里米亚和乌克兰东部的不稳定,西方社会重新审视了混合战争的定义并重新定义了它。有趣的是,俄罗斯和西方以完全不同的方式处理这个术语,根据他们自己的目的,即俄罗斯声称自己是西方发动的混合战争的受害者。本研究调查了上述两个版本的混合战争的哲学,并发现两者都与理解后苏联地理中的俄罗斯战争无关。相反,它建议在乌克兰和格鲁吉亚的情况下退回到混合战争的原始定义,从而认为俄罗斯进行混合战争是为了限制前苏联加盟共和国的外交政策可操作性。
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引用次数: 4
Bitskrieg: the new challenge of cyberwarfare Bitskrieg:网络战的新挑战
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-17 DOI: 10.1080/14702436.2022.2028549
A. Barrinha
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引用次数: 2
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Defence Studies
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