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Queerstralia: resistance, resilience, and the gaps that remain 酷儿澳大利亚:抵抗,恢复力,和仍然存在的差距
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14490854.2023.2201596
Hannah McCann
Queerstralia is a three-part documentary series that sets out to provide an expansive account of Australia’s Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Intersex, Asexual and other queer (LGBTQIAþ) histories. As the documentary makes clear early on, such a task is both daunting and far from straightforward. Not only have LGBTQIAþ stories been kept to the marginalia of history, the question of whether we ought to view the past through the lens of contemporary identity categories is also highly contested. Furthermore, there is incredible diversity within LGBTQIAþ communities, even though the acronym is frequently used in the popular imagination to refer to community in the singular. Queerstralia addresses these issues head-on, with what host comedian Zo€e Coombs Marr describes as ‘the big messy puzzle that is queer identity’. Queerstralia represents the multi-stranded nature of Australian queer histories by deploying a looping narrative approach as metaphor. This feels like an annoying comedic distraction in the first episode but comes together across the series to make a more serious political point. Rather than following a neat chronological trajectory, the three episodes are organised thematically, looking at ‘The Law’, ‘Gender and Identity’ and ‘Community and Belonging’. After some exposition, the series begins with Peter de Waal searching meticulously through old court records from the 1860s to find examples of ‘sodomy’ and ‘buggery’. The series ends on a hopeful note about how queer people were galvanised by the AIDS crisis. In this way, though the presentation of history is non-linear and implicitly critical of an oversimplified ‘progress narrative’, the tone is optimistic and emphasises resilience and resistance over persecution. The documentary involves interviews with a brilliant array of Australian thinkers and activists from across the LGBTQIAþ spectrum and provides some marvellous archival stories and footage of queer lives and events in our history. It is unusual and exciting to see Australian queer history centred, given the typical North Americanand Euro-centrism of many other narratives of queer life. The series includes incredible
Queerstralia是一部由三部分组成的纪录片系列,旨在对澳大利亚的女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、变性人、酷儿、双性恋者、无性恋者和其他酷儿(LGBTQIAþ)历史进行广泛的描述。正如纪录片早期明确指出的那样,这样的任务既艰巨又远非易事。LGBTQIA的故事不仅被历史边缘化了,我们是否应该从当代身份类别的角度来看待过去的问题也备受争议。此外,LGBTQIAþ社区内部存在着令人难以置信的多样性,尽管在流行的想象中,这个首字母缩写经常用来指代单数形式的社区。Queerstralia正面解决了这些问题,主持人喜剧演员Zo€e Coombs Marr将其描述为“酷儿身份这一巨大而混乱的谜题”。Queerstralia通过运用循环叙事方法作为隐喻,代表了澳大利亚酷儿历史的多重搁浅性质。在第一集中,这感觉像是一种令人讨厌的喜剧消遣,但在整个系列中,这是为了表达一个更严肃的政治观点。这三集没有遵循整齐的时间轨迹,而是按主题组织,分别关注“法律”、“性别与身份”和“社区与归属”。经过一些阐述,该系列以彼得·德瓦尔(Peter de Waal)仔细搜索19世纪60年代的旧法庭记录开始,寻找“鸡奸”和“肛交”的例子。该系列以充满希望的基调结束,讲述了同性恋者是如何被艾滋病危机所激励的。通过这种方式,尽管历史的呈现是非线性的,并含蓄地批评了过于简单化的“进步叙事”,但基调是乐观的,强调了对迫害的韧性和抵抗力。这部纪录片采访了来自LGBTQIAþ各个领域的杰出澳大利亚思想家和活动家,并提供了一些精彩的档案故事和我们历史上酷儿生活和事件的镜头。鉴于许多其他酷儿生活叙事中典型的北美和欧洲中心主义,看到澳大利亚酷儿历史以中心主义为中心是不寻常和令人兴奋的。该系列包括令人难以置信的
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引用次数: 0
Tracker Nat Warano’s art of ngijinkirri, the Tennant Creek Brio and Warumungu history 追踪者Nat Warano的ngijinkirri艺术、Tennant Creek Brio和Warumungu历史
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14490854.2023.2197013
Joseph Yugi Williams, Levi McLean, D. Jorgensen
Abstract During the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s the Warumungu carver Nat Warano, better known as Tracker Nat, produced drawings and painted carvings as gifts and for exchange in the town of Tennant Creek in the Northern Territory. His art practice was a part of his role as a leader of the Warumungu community, as he played a role in moving the community from a reserve outside the township to Warrabri to the south. His gifting of carvings was part of a history and tradition of ngijinkirri among Warumungu people, in which gifts brought the recipient into a state of obligation to the giver. Ngijinkirri put teachers and politicians into this state of obligation, as Nat gifted painted carvings to them. Since the rediscovery of Nat, and of the history and style of his art, his carvings have been identified in both public and private collections. Since beginning the research on Nat, the authors of this article have attributed drawings and painted carvings in public collections and passing through commercial auctions, and it is anticipated that there are many more yet to be identified.
在20世纪30年代、40年代和50年代,Warumungu雕刻师Nat Warano,更广为人知的名字是Tracker Nat,制作绘画和彩绘雕刻作为礼物,并在北领地Tennant Creek镇交换。他的艺术实践是他作为Warumungu社区领导者角色的一部分,因为他在将社区从乡镇外的保留区转移到南部的Warrabri中发挥了作用。他赠送的雕刻是Warumungu人ngijinkirri的历史和传统的一部分,在这种传统中,礼物使接受者对送礼者产生了一种义务。Ngijinkirri将教师和政治家置于这种义务状态,因为Nat将彩绘雕刻送给他们。自从纳特的重新发现,以及他的艺术的历史和风格,他的雕刻已经被确定为公共和私人收藏。自从开始对纳特的研究以来,本文的作者们已经在公共收藏和商业拍卖中找到了绘画和彩绘雕刻,预计还有更多的绘画和彩绘雕刻有待鉴定。
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引用次数: 0
A history of ‘domestic violence’ in Australian politics 澳大利亚政治中的“家庭暴力”历史
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1080/14490854.2023.2186183
James Mortensen
Abstract This article examines the introduction, evolution and demise of the phrase ‘domestic violence’ to describe issues of terrorism, insurrection and violent civil disobedience within Australian political discourse. It seeks to interrogate the circumstances whereby the political usage of ‘domestic violence’ changed in Australia. The study relies on Hansard, as well as secondary sources, to examine how and in what context political leaders used the phrase in discussions of relevant events and legislation. It finds that a shift in language usage between political unrest and familial violence occurred within the space of a year. However, despite this comparatively narrow timeframe, there was little to no overlap within political speech. The article illuminates how close the two usages of ‘domestic violence’ came to colliding and the circumstances under which the former fell from use. It also argues that the limited adoption of the earlier denotation of the phrase in Australian politics likely owes to the differing domestic contexts of the US and Australia, as well as a lack of appropriate supporting legislation to give it legal force.
本文考察了“家庭暴力”一词的引入、演变和消亡,以描述澳大利亚政治话语中的恐怖主义、叛乱和暴力公民不服从问题。它试图探究在澳大利亚,“家庭暴力”在政治上的用法是如何改变的。这项研究依靠《议事录》和二手资料,来调查政治领导人在讨论相关事件和立法时如何以及在什么背景下使用这个短语。研究发现,在一年的时间里,政治动荡和家庭暴力之间的语言使用发生了转变。然而,尽管时间范围相对较窄,但在政治演讲中几乎没有重叠。这篇文章阐明了“家庭暴力”的两种用法是如何接近碰撞的,以及在何种情况下前者不再被使用。它还认为,在澳大利亚政治中有限地采用该短语的早期外延可能是由于美国和澳大利亚不同的国内背景,以及缺乏适当的支持立法来赋予其法律效力。
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引用次数: 0
Phillip Deery on Australia’s secret Cold War, and its victims 菲利普·迪尔讲述澳大利亚的秘密冷战及其受害者
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1080/14490854.2023.2186184
Jon Piccini
In August 2020, the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) broke with its normally secretive protocols and launched a Twitter account. Using hashtags like #ASIOhistory and #tradecraftTuesday, the organisation now shares images, objects and stories going back to its foundation in the early Cold War. In so doing, it seeks to show that ‘while technology’s [sic] evolved since the 1950s, our mission to protect Australia... from #terrorism and #espionage hasn’t’. Contrary to the Get Smart schtick they present on social media, Phillip Deery’s impressive new volume Spies and Sparrows reveals an organisation whose original mission – to counter espionage and ‘subversive’ activities in Australia – was dramatically overstepped throughout its first three decades. He spotlights the toll it took, on agents and those they targeted. Deery is an eminent historian of the Cold War – and particularly of its shadowy underworld. Spies and Sparrows follows a formula utilised in his 2014 volume, Red Apple: Communism and McCarthyism in Cold War New York, whereby biographical studies of often-overlooked individuals serve to tell a larger story. That earlier volume focused on the ‘red scare’ of the late 1940s and 1950s in America, fermented by Joseph McCarthy and his House Un-American Activities Committee. While not a spy agency, McCarthy’s powers were wide, and the damage he did to a range of people believed to be harbouring treasonous thoughts was significant. Careers were ended, reputations shattered and lives lost. Australia’s McCarthyite reverberations were reflected in a failed bid to ban the Communist Party, and the establishment (by a Labor government) of ASIO in 1949. Intercepted Soviet cables – codenamed Verona – revealed that Australia was a ‘security risk’ to the Western alliance, and the spy agency – modelled on Britain’s MI6 – was meant to reassure the United States of Canberra’s reliability. ASIO’s key responsibility at its inception was the identification of a spy ring led by Communist Party of Australia member Wally Clayton, which Deery classes as more ‘an informal grouping of about ten contacts’ than the close-knit cabal of spy-thrillers (6). The meat of Deery’s book details how ASIO ‘made little meaningful distinction between the handful of... covert communists who engaged in espionage activity and the thousands of CPA members and fellow travellers who... sided with the underprivileged and the dispossessed; and who were neither aware of espionage nor would have sanctioned it’ (7).
2020年8月,澳大利亚安全情报组织(ASIO)打破了通常保密的协议,开设了一个推特账户。该组织现在使用#ASIOhistory和#tradecraftTuesday等标签,分享自冷战初期成立以来的图像、物品和故事。通过这样做,它试图表明“虽然技术自20世纪50年代以来不断发展,但我们保护澳大利亚的使命……从#恐怖主义和#间谍活动中没有。与他们在社交媒体上展示的“聪明起来”的噱头相反,菲利普·迪尔令人印象深刻的新书《间谍与麻雀》揭示了一个组织的最初使命——在澳大利亚打击间谍和“颠覆”活动——在其成立的头三十年里被大大超越了。他强调了特工和他们的目标所付出的代价。Deery是一位研究冷战的杰出历史学家,尤其是研究冷战阴影下的地下世界。间谍与麻雀遵循了他在2014年出版的《红苹果:冷战时期纽约的共产主义与麦卡锡主义》一书中使用的公式,即对经常被忽视的个人进行传记研究,以讲述一个更大的故事。早期的那一卷集中在美国20世纪40年代末和50年代的“红色恐慌”,由约瑟夫·麦卡锡和他的众议院非美活动委员会发酵。麦卡锡虽然不是一个间谍机构,但他的权力范围很广,他对一些被认为怀有叛国思想的人造成了巨大的伤害。事业终结,名誉受损,生命丧失。澳大利亚麦卡锡主义的影响反映在禁止共产党的失败尝试和1949年(由工党政府)成立的ASIO上。被截获的代号为维罗纳的苏联电报显示,澳大利亚对西方联盟构成了“安全威胁”,而这个以英国军情六处为蓝本的间谍机构意在向美国保证堪培拉的可靠性。在成立之初,ASIO的主要职责是发现一个由澳大利亚共产党成员沃利·克莱顿领导的间谍网,迪尔认为这个间谍网更像是“一个由大约10个联系人组成的非正式组织”,而不是一个紧密联系的间谍惊悚阴谋集团(6)。迪尔的书中详细描述了ASIO如何“对少数几个……从事间谍活动的秘密共产党员和成千上万的共产党员和同路人站在贫民和被剥夺财产的一方;他们既没有意识到间谍活动,也不会批准它。
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引用次数: 0
The ‘greatest threat’ to Australian and global security? A history of the Howard government’s evolving perception of nuclear proliferation, 1996–2007 谁是澳大利亚和全球安全的“最大威胁”?霍华德政府对核扩散的看法演变的历史,1996-2007
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14490854.2023.2182647
Michael Clarke
Abstract For many observers Australia’s approach to the threat of nuclear proliferation under the government of Prime Minister John Howard (1996–2007) was simply the product of its steadfast alignment of Australian foreign policy with that of the United States in the post-9/11 context. The Howard government’s enthusiastic support for the 2003 US-led ‘coalition of the willing’ invasion of Iraq on the basis of Baghdad’s alleged possession of ‘weapons of mass destruction’ (WMD) is taken as the most egregious example of this tendency. Yet this assumption ignores that the potential threat of nuclear proliferation had been an abiding concern for the government since it had entered office. This paper argues that there was an enduring dynamic in Australian foreign and strategic policy of perceiving a direct link between the fate of the prevailing international system and that of Australia’s own national security. To this end, the Howard government’s perception of the threat of nuclear proliferation was sensitive to trends at the global level, most particularly the strategic posture and preferences of its alliance partner, the United States. The paper demonstrates, however, that this weakened the Howard government’s ability to maintain fidelity with what had become Australia’s traditional activist diplomacy within the non-proliferation regime.
对于许多观察家来说,在约翰·霍华德总理(1996-2007)领导下的澳大利亚政府应对核扩散威胁的方法,仅仅是在9/11事件后的背景下,澳大利亚外交政策与美国外交政策坚定一致的产物。霍华德政府热情支持2003年美国领导的“自愿联盟”入侵伊拉克,理由是巴格达据称拥有“大规模杀伤性武器”(WMD),这是这种倾向最令人震惊的例子。然而,这种假设忽略了一个事实,即自本届政府执政以来,核扩散的潜在威胁一直是其长期关注的问题。本文认为,在澳大利亚的外交和战略政策中存在着一种持久的动态,即认为现行国际体系的命运与澳大利亚自身国家安全的命运之间存在着直接联系。为此,霍华德政府对核扩散威胁的看法对全球趋势非常敏感,尤其是其联盟伙伴美国的战略姿态和偏好。然而,这篇论文表明,这削弱了霍华德政府在核不扩散体制内维持澳大利亚传统的积极外交的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Five lessons from teaching family history to older students online 在网上教大龄学生家族史的五个教训
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/14490854.2023.2171268
I. Wegman
Abstract As universities move more and more teaching online, educators have mixed reactions. This article puts forward five lessons learned over seven years of online teaching in a diploma-level university history course. Many students in the course have low digital literacy, but they can overcome difficulties with their online study when given the opportunity and appropriate support. University management does not always recognise the extra time required to develop pedagogically sound and inspiring online lessons. Nonetheless, this space can be made to work for history educators and, moreover, it can provide a valuable and necessary opportunity for students who might otherwise feel alienated in an increasingly digital world.
随着大学越来越多地进行在线教学,教育工作者的反应不一。本文提出了大学文凭级历史课在线教学7年来的5条经验。课程中的许多学生数字素养较低,但如果给予机会和适当的支持,他们可以克服在线学习的困难。大学管理层并不总是认识到开发教学上合理、鼓舞人心的在线课程所需的额外时间。然而,这个空间可以为历史教育者服务,而且,它可以为学生提供一个宝贵的和必要的机会,否则他们可能会在一个日益数字化的世界中感到疏远。
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引用次数: 0
Heather Goodall reveals Anglo-Celtic environmental activism in Sydney’s suburbs Heather Goodall在悉尼郊区揭露盎格鲁-凯尔特人的环保活动
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14490854.2022.2153229
J. McIntyre
Heather Goodall is a key figure in Australian histories of the interaction between people and the land. Her capacity for interpreting a broad range of finely grained sources to understand places where these interactions occur is powerfully evident in Georges River Blues . The book is focused on competing ‘ Anglo and Irish ’ or ‘ Anglo-Celtic ’ desires to establish and sustain homes and workplaces amid institutional and environmental change. Conflicts or ‘ blues ’ in the southern Sydney district of Georges River arose over differing views of the need for, and modes of, environmental protection of the estuary. Goodall ’ s objective is to understand what motivated these conflicts involving resident groups with markedly different income levels trying to reverse damage to the river and its bushland, and the concomitant fate of mangrove swamps that dominated the riverscape. Georges River Blues follows on from Goodall ’ s earlier work on relationships between non-Anglo-Saxon communities and this river district, including the influential Rivers and Resilience: Aboriginal People on Sydney ’ s Georges River (NewSouth, 2009), co-authored with Allison Cadzow. The land and waters in Georges River Blues are (human) properties and community spaces as well as (non-human) ecologies sliced and diced through jurisdictional authority such as land laws, and municipal and state governance. This land and waters bear the weight of residential community building along with nationalistic ambitions for modernity and progress. The upper estuary of Georges River is a district unsuitable for settler colonial agriculture. Instead, the area was used as leisure grounds offering an escape from urbanism before World War II. After the war, the region bore the brunt of the clearing of residents from Sydney ’ s inner-city slums and the construction of factories and elite waterfront housing development. These changes brought the problems of, for example, pollution from domestic sewerage and industrial outflow. Mangrove swamps expanded
希瑟·古德尔是澳大利亚人与土地互动史上的关键人物。在《乔治河蓝调》中,她有能力解释广泛的细粒度来源,以了解这些相互作用发生的地方。这本书聚焦于“盎格鲁和爱尔兰人”或“盎格鲁-凯尔特人”在制度和环境变化中建立和维持家庭和工作场所的相互竞争的愿望。由于对河口环境保护的必要性和模式的不同看法,悉尼南部乔治河地区出现了冲突或“忧郁”。古德的目标是了解这些冲突的动机,这些冲突涉及收入水平明显不同的居民群体,他们试图扭转对河流及其灌木丛的破坏,以及主导河流景观的红树林沼泽的随之而来的命运。《乔治河蓝调》继承了古德早期关于非盎格鲁撒克逊社区与该河地区之间关系的作品,包括与Allison Cadzow合著的《河流与韧性:悉尼乔治河上的原住民》(NewSouth,2009)。Georges River Blues的土地和水域是(人类)财产和社区空间,也是(非人类)生态,通过土地法、市政府和州政府等管辖权进行分割。这片土地和水域承载着住宅社区建设的重量,以及对现代性和进步的民族主义野心。乔治河上游河口是一个不适合定居者殖民农业的地区。相反,该地区在第二次世界大战前被用作休闲场所,提供了逃离城市化的机会。战后,悉尼市中心贫民窟的居民被清除,工厂的建设和精英海滨住宅的开发,该地区首当其冲。这些变化带来了一些问题,例如,生活污水和工业外流造成的污染。红树林沼泽扩大
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引用次数: 0
Tim Reeves plots the course of a watershed crime and its aftermath 蒂姆·里夫斯(Tim Reeves)策划了一起分水岭犯罪的过程及其后果
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14490854.2022.2163370
C. Kevin
2022 marked the fiftieth anniversary of the death of Dr George Ian Ogilvie Duncan, known as Ian. He moved to Adelaide for a position in the Adelaide University Law School six weeks before his body was retrieved from the muddy waters of the River Torrens. The riverbank, which runs behind the university, was host to Beat Number One at the time of Duncan’s death. Tim Reeves is the foremost expert on Duncan’s murder, which is significant to histories of queer life and law reform. What began as an honours thesis became the basis of a powerful oratorio commissioned for the 2022 Adelaide Festival – Watershed – and this book – The Death of Dr Duncan. The oratorio’s title signals the extraordinary impact of Duncan’s murder, which ultimately led to the decriminalisation of homosexuality in South Australia, the first Australian state to make this move and the first jurisdiction in the English-speaking world to eliminate a distinction in criminal law between homosexuals and heterosexuals, including the age of consent. That Duncan’s death should be so firmly linked to this law reform makes it especially striking that no one has been made criminally accountable for causing it. However, Reeves makes clear that at least three of those responsible have been, at times, familiar names to police, the Adelaide queer community and readers of major SA newspapers. But they remain free. In the absence of sufficient evidence for convictions, Reeves’ book is a testament to painstaking work with every lead, published and unpublished accounts, and interviews with those who helped tease out the events leading up to and reverberating from Duncan’s death. On the night of 10 May 1972, members of the SA Police Force’s vice-squad left the King’s Head Hotel on King William Road and headed to Beat Number One to rough up its visitors, throwing three men into the river. One victim, Roger James, broke his ankle but managed to get out of the river and escape further violence. James became the key witness in the case of the drowning of their next victim, Duncan, whose body was discovered the following day. Reeves argues that the social status of academics and the involvement of Duncan’s new colleagues in promoting investigations were crucial in influencing community attitudes and, in turn, legal history. As Reeves pointed out in a recorded conversation with David Marr (Adelaide Writer’s Festival Podcast, Episode 22), if Duncan had been a welder from the northern suburbs, fewer people would have cared.
2022年是乔治·伊恩·奥吉尔维·邓肯医生逝世50周年,他被称为伊恩。他搬到阿德莱德,在阿德莱德大学法学院任职,六周后,他的尸体在托伦斯河的浑水中被发现。邓肯死的时候,大学后面的河岸是Beat Number 1的所在地。蒂姆·里夫斯(Tim Reeves)是研究邓肯谋杀案的最重要的专家,这对同性恋生活和法律改革的历史具有重要意义。最初作为一篇荣誉论文,后来成为2022年阿德莱德艺术节委托创作的一部强大的清唱剧《分水岭》和这本书《邓肯博士之死》的基础。这部清唱剧的标题表明了邓肯谋杀案的非凡影响,最终导致了南澳大利亚州将同性恋合法化,这是澳大利亚第一个采取这一举措的州,也是英语世界中第一个在刑法中消除同性恋和异性恋之间区别的司法管辖区,包括同意年龄。邓肯的死应该与这项法律改革紧密联系在一起,这尤其令人震惊的是,没有人因造成这一事件而被追究刑事责任。然而,里夫斯明确表示,至少有三名肇事者有时是警察、阿德莱德酷儿社区和南澳主要报纸读者熟悉的名字。但它们仍然是免费的。在缺乏足够的定罪证据的情况下,里夫斯的书证明了他对每一个线索、已发表的和未发表的叙述、以及对那些帮助梳理导致邓肯死亡和影响的事件的人的采访所做的艰苦工作。1972年5月10日晚,南澳警察副队的成员离开威廉国王路上的国王头酒店,前往殴打一号酒店的客人,将三名男子扔进河里。其中一名受害者罗杰·詹姆斯(Roger James)摔断了脚踝,但他设法从河里逃了出来,躲过了进一步的暴力。詹姆斯成为了下一个受害者邓肯溺水案的关键证人,邓肯的尸体在第二天被发现。里夫斯认为,学者的社会地位和邓肯的新同事在推动调查方面的参与,对影响社区态度,进而影响法律史至关重要。正如里夫斯在与大卫·马尔(David Marr)的对话录音中指出的那样(阿德莱德作家节播客,第22集),如果邓肯是来自北部郊区的焊工,就不会有人关心了。
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引用次数: 0
Peter Charles Gibson on Chinese furniture makers as active agents in Australian history 彼得·查尔斯·吉布森谈中国家具制造商在澳大利亚历史上的积极作用
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14490854.2022.2163369
Mei-fen Kuo
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引用次数: 0
Editorial 编辑
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14490854.2022.2159767
Kate Fullagar, J. Lake, Benjamin Mountford, E. Warne
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引用次数: 0
期刊
History Australia
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