Andriati Fitriningrum, Andrey Hasiholan Pulungan, Putu Darusidhi
This study aimed to examine the extent to which the relationship between the government and state-owned enterprise (SOE) hinders the achievement of the liberalization of universal postal obligation (UPO) services. This study motivated the failure of postal industry reforms and the performance improvement of PT Pos Indonesia (the Indonesian postal SOE). A case study method is selected to expand the existing path dependency theory. The development of postal services was reconstructed using path dependence, which also revealed the nature of relationships between the government and SOEs, and the barriers to the success of liberalization and performance improvement. Through this method, the theoretical approach is expanded. This study demonstrates how the historical need to perform socio-political functions has produced high dependence, reciprocal dependence, and mutual advantages between the government and SOE, which have hindered the company’s ability to be lucrative and effective. The cause of SOE’s poor performance and inefficiency occurs when the company is required to execute UPO services. This study added to the body of knowledge and improved government policy. These study implications are anticipated to offer border knowledge and comprehension of the vital responsibilities that USOs and subsidies play in the community.
{"title":"GOVERNMENT, STATE-OWNED ENTERPRISE, and LIBERALIZATION of UNIVERSAL POSTAL OBLIGATION SERVICES","authors":"Andriati Fitriningrum, Andrey Hasiholan Pulungan, Putu Darusidhi","doi":"10.52372/jps38303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52372/jps38303","url":null,"abstract":"This study aimed to examine the extent to which the relationship between the government and state-owned enterprise (SOE) hinders the achievement of the liberalization of universal postal obligation (UPO) services. This study motivated the failure of postal industry reforms and the performance improvement of PT Pos Indonesia (the Indonesian postal SOE). A case study method is selected to expand the existing path dependency theory. The development of postal services was reconstructed using path dependence, which also revealed the nature of relationships between the government and SOEs, and the barriers to the success of liberalization and performance improvement. Through this method, the theoretical approach is expanded. This study demonstrates how the historical need to perform socio-political functions has produced high dependence, reciprocal dependence, and mutual advantages between the government and SOE, which have hindered the company’s ability to be lucrative and effective. The cause of SOE’s poor performance and inefficiency occurs when the company is required to execute UPO services. This study added to the body of knowledge and improved government policy. These study implications are anticipated to offer border knowledge and comprehension of the vital responsibilities that USOs and subsidies play in the community.","PeriodicalId":36346,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Policy Studies","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136247924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study applies Du Bois’ ‘double consciousness’ theory to explore the experiences of Black police officers. The research reveals that these officers’ interactions with unarmed Black civilians are influenced by their implicit identification with the Black community and their awareness of ongoing racial inequality in the U.S. However, internalized racism also leads to shooting errors, with officers viewing Black civilians through harmful racial stereotypes. The study, which involved 43 Black officers from various departments in the deep South, utilized a simulation game to assess decision-making under time pressure. INTRODUCTION Over the years, extensive data overwhelmingly confirm a disturbing trend: Blacks are killed by the police at sig- nificantly higher rates than any other racial group in the country (Demby, 2017). These killings are disproportion- ately carried out by White1 officers. A study conducted by ProPublica between 2012 and 2014 found that White offi- cers were responsible for 68 percent of all people of color killed (Gabrielson et al., 2014). While racism is often cited as a major factor in the shooting of unarmed Blacks (Mesic et al., 2018), little is known about such incidents involving officers of color. After all, 32 percent of all police killings of people of color are perpetrated by officers of color (Gabriel- son et al., 2014). From 2012-2014, Black officers accounted for only 10 percent of all police killings, but among that 10 percent, 78 percent of those killed were Black (Gabrielson et al., 2014). The topic of Black officers’ involvement in police killings of unarmed Black civilians changed dramatically on January 28, 2023, when the Memphis police department released a video showing the brutal beating of Tyre Nichols. After be- ing stopped for reckless driving, five Black police officers pulled him from the car and subjected him to a severe beating, resulting in his tragic death. This incident, unique compared to other high-profile killings of unarmed Blacks, has prompted questions about the potential impact of poli- cies aimed at increasing the number of Black police officers to reduce police violence against Black civilians. The prevailing narrative suggests that Black officers, due to their strong racial identities, can better relate to Blacks and are less likely to shoot unarmed members of their own race when compared to their White counterparts. However,
本研究运用杜波依斯的“双重意识”理论来探讨黑人警察的经历。研究表明，这些警察与手无寸铁的黑人平民的互动受到他们对黑人社区的内隐认同和他们对美国持续存在的种族不平等的认识的影响。然而，内化的种族主义也会导致射击错误，警察通过有害的种族刻板印象来看待黑人平民。这项研究涉及来自美国南部各部门的43名黑人警官，他们利用一个模拟游戏来评估在时间压力下的决策。多年来，大量数据压倒性地证实了一个令人不安的趋势:黑人被警察杀害的比例明显高于该国任何其他种族群体(Demby, 2017)。这些杀戮不成比例地由白人警察执行。ProPublica在2012年至2014年间进行的一项研究发现，白人警察要对所有被杀害的有色人种负责68% (Gabrielson et al.， 2014)。虽然种族主义经常被认为是手无寸铁的黑人被枪杀的一个主要因素(Mesic等人，2018)，但人们对涉及有色人种警官的此类事件知之甚少。毕竟，32%的警察杀害有色人种是由有色人种警察犯下的(Gabriel- son et al.， 2014)。2012年至2014年，黑人警察仅占所有警察枪杀事件的10%，但在这10%中，78%的死者是黑人(Gabrielson et al.， 2014)。2023年1月28日，孟菲斯警察局公布了蒂尔·尼科尔斯被残忍殴打的视频，黑人警察参与警察杀害手无寸铁的黑人平民的话题发生了巨大变化。他因鲁莽驾驶而被拦下后，五名黑人警察将他从车里拖出来，并对他进行了猛烈的殴打，导致他悲惨地死亡。与其他备受瞩目的手无寸铁的黑人被杀事件相比，这一事件是独一无二的，它引发了人们对旨在增加黑人警察数量以减少警察对黑人平民暴力的政策的潜在影响的质疑。普遍的说法是，由于黑人警官具有强烈的种族身份，他们能更好地与黑人相处，与白人警官相比，他们不太可能射杀手无寸铁的自己种族的成员。然而,
{"title":"Black and Blue: Black Police Officers’ Implicit and Explicit Biases in Split-Second Decisions to Shoot or Not to Shoot Unarmed Black Civilians","authors":"Byron D'Andra Orey, Thomas Craemer","doi":"10.52372/jps38301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52372/jps38301","url":null,"abstract":"This study applies Du Bois’ ‘double consciousness’ theory to explore the experiences of Black police officers. The research reveals that these officers’ interactions with unarmed Black civilians are influenced by their implicit identification with the Black community and their awareness of ongoing racial inequality in the U.S. However, internalized racism also leads to shooting errors, with officers viewing Black civilians through harmful racial stereotypes. The study, which involved 43 Black officers from various departments in the deep South, utilized a simulation game to assess decision-making under time pressure. INTRODUCTION Over the years, extensive data overwhelmingly confirm a disturbing trend: Blacks are killed by the police at sig- nificantly higher rates than any other racial group in the country (Demby, 2017). These killings are disproportion- ately carried out by White1 officers. A study conducted by ProPublica between 2012 and 2014 found that White offi- cers were responsible for 68 percent of all people of color killed (Gabrielson et al., 2014). While racism is often cited as a major factor in the shooting of unarmed Blacks (Mesic et al., 2018), little is known about such incidents involving officers of color. After all, 32 percent of all police killings of people of color are perpetrated by officers of color (Gabriel- son et al., 2014). From 2012-2014, Black officers accounted for only 10 percent of all police killings, but among that 10 percent, 78 percent of those killed were Black (Gabrielson et al., 2014). The topic of Black officers’ involvement in police killings of unarmed Black civilians changed dramatically on January 28, 2023, when the Memphis police department released a video showing the brutal beating of Tyre Nichols. After be- ing stopped for reckless driving, five Black police officers pulled him from the car and subjected him to a severe beating, resulting in his tragic death. This incident, unique compared to other high-profile killings of unarmed Blacks, has prompted questions about the potential impact of poli- cies aimed at increasing the number of Black police officers to reduce police violence against Black civilians. The prevailing narrative suggests that Black officers, due to their strong racial identities, can better relate to Blacks and are less likely to shoot unarmed members of their own race when compared to their White counterparts. However,","PeriodicalId":36346,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Policy Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136277939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The state’s role in dealing with fake news on social media remains little understood. The objectives of this study are the following: 1) to identify the steps and process that the state can take in verifying and managing fake news on online social media, 2) to examine the means that different agencies have in developing and implementing policies to regulate fake news on online social media, and 3) To draw conclusions from this research and present them in the form of a guideline for improving the governmental policies on the regulation of fake news on social media. A mixed-methods approach was used. Qualitative data were collected from document analysis and interviews. Quantitative research was done through data collection in a questionnaire survey. Variables were determined to measure the factors affecting the implementation of an online fake news control policy. The quantitative research showed that different policies have different impacts on the following issues. (1) The organization with the highest mean clarity in determining the steps for verifying and managing fake news is the Ministry of Digital Economy and Society. (2) The highest mean support for the implementation of fake news verification and management is the Ministry of Interior. (3) The Ministry of the Interior had the highest mean data collection and convenient searching for information to verify fake news. (4) The Ministry of Digital Economy and Society has the highest mean in communication and coordination across agencies. (5) The department with the highest mean sufficient types, channels, and methods for communication and coordination with agencies in fake news verification is the Ministry of Transportation. (6) The position with the highest mean ability to shorten communication and coordination steps is the director. The researcher suggests the following. (1) All agencies should establish clear steps and process for fake news identification and designate personnel to verify it. This includes empowering agencies to conduct legal proceedings. Each agency only has coordinators who have separate job responsibilities, which increases their workload and reduces their power to take legal action. (2) Types of news should be clearly categorized. News that can be easily verified, such as official ministerial announcements, should be immediately responded to through normal channels. News that is new and has not had official confirmation by the ministry or has not been scientifically endorsed should receive expert study. A data center can be set up in each ministry to respond to the population online. (3) For verification of fake news on social media, the state authorized a five-year budget to the Ministry of Digital Economy and Society to manage the National Anti-Fake News Center. However, other agencies should also receive sufficient funding for this mission. (4) In addition to using the channels of the National Anti-Fake News Center, the government should cooperate with mainstream me
{"title":"Role of the State in Dealing With Fake News on Social Media","authors":"Satit Petsuwan, Anchana NaRanong","doi":"10.52372/jps38304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52372/jps38304","url":null,"abstract":"The state’s role in dealing with fake news on social media remains little understood. The objectives of this study are the following: 1) to identify the steps and process that the state can take in verifying and managing fake news on online social media, 2) to examine the means that different agencies have in developing and implementing policies to regulate fake news on online social media, and 3) To draw conclusions from this research and present them in the form of a guideline for improving the governmental policies on the regulation of fake news on social media. A mixed-methods approach was used. Qualitative data were collected from document analysis and interviews. Quantitative research was done through data collection in a questionnaire survey. Variables were determined to measure the factors affecting the implementation of an online fake news control policy. The quantitative research showed that different policies have different impacts on the following issues. (1) The organization with the highest mean clarity in determining the steps for verifying and managing fake news is the Ministry of Digital Economy and Society. (2) The highest mean support for the implementation of fake news verification and management is the Ministry of Interior. (3) The Ministry of the Interior had the highest mean data collection and convenient searching for information to verify fake news. (4) The Ministry of Digital Economy and Society has the highest mean in communication and coordination across agencies. (5) The department with the highest mean sufficient types, channels, and methods for communication and coordination with agencies in fake news verification is the Ministry of Transportation. (6) The position with the highest mean ability to shorten communication and coordination steps is the director. The researcher suggests the following. (1) All agencies should establish clear steps and process for fake news identification and designate personnel to verify it. This includes empowering agencies to conduct legal proceedings. Each agency only has coordinators who have separate job responsibilities, which increases their workload and reduces their power to take legal action. (2) Types of news should be clearly categorized. News that can be easily verified, such as official ministerial announcements, should be immediately responded to through normal channels. News that is new and has not had official confirmation by the ministry or has not been scientifically endorsed should receive expert study. A data center can be set up in each ministry to respond to the population online. (3) For verification of fake news on social media, the state authorized a five-year budget to the Ministry of Digital Economy and Society to manage the National Anti-Fake News Center. However, other agencies should also receive sufficient funding for this mission. (4) In addition to using the channels of the National Anti-Fake News Center, the government should cooperate with mainstream me","PeriodicalId":36346,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Policy Studies","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136336294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
To investigate whether political power influences the allocation of government grants, a grants allocation panel dataset of 150 units of analysis was constructed for the period 2016-2019. Specifically, the aim of this study is to find out how politicians’ influence would work in situations where the size of the pie, the sum of the amount of grants distributed to every electorate, changes. This perspective that focuses on changes in the aggregate amount of grants, which has not been considered in previous studies, is reflected in the interaction term between the size of the resources and the measure of political power. Fixed effect estimation reports that the coefficient of the interaction term is significant with a positive sign. This implies that powerful politicians are not satisfied with merely securing more grants than the previous year. Instead, they seek to obtain more year-on-year increment in grants than other politicians. Policymaker is advised to monitor and exclude any political influence in the decision-making process of grants allocation.
{"title":"The Moderating Effect of Politicians’ Power on the Correlation Between Total Grants and Unit Grants in Special Grants Distribution","authors":"Sangheon Kim, Baek Hyeon Kim","doi":"10.52372/jps38302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52372/jps38302","url":null,"abstract":"To investigate whether political power influences the allocation of government grants, a grants allocation panel dataset of 150 units of analysis was constructed for the period 2016-2019. Specifically, the aim of this study is to find out how politicians’ influence would work in situations where the size of the pie, the sum of the amount of grants distributed to every electorate, changes. This perspective that focuses on changes in the aggregate amount of grants, which has not been considered in previous studies, is reflected in the interaction term between the size of the resources and the measure of political power. Fixed effect estimation reports that the coefficient of the interaction term is significant with a positive sign. This implies that powerful politicians are not satisfied with merely securing more grants than the previous year. Instead, they seek to obtain more year-on-year increment in grants than other politicians. Policymaker is advised to monitor and exclude any political influence in the decision-making process of grants allocation.","PeriodicalId":36346,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Policy Studies","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136277935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Do Government Guaranteed Small Business Loans Increase Employment? Evidence From US Counties, 2010-2016","authors":"Joowon Jeong","doi":"10.52372/jps38202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52372/jps38202","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36346,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Policy Studies","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74917223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Service Demand and Employee Benefits Provision in Local Governments","authors":"Jaehee Jong","doi":"10.52372/jps38201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52372/jps38201","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36346,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Policy Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83372683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility in Recent Public Administration Research: A Systematic Review of the Literature Since George Floyd","authors":"Jungwon Yeo, S. Jeon","doi":"10.52372/jps38204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52372/jps38204","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36346,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Policy Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90542869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Public Participation and Trust in Government: Results From a Vignette Experiment","authors":"Jesse W. Campbell","doi":"10.52372/jps38203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52372/jps38203","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36346,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Policy Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74391812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents the factors associated with service users’ confidence in receiving public services in Nepal. The factors were taken from National Governance Survey 2017/ 18 (N=7334). The survey respondents were randomly selected from 43 of 77 districts of Nepal by using four-stage multiple cluster sampling from the service users who received public services in a year duration. The result showed that service users’ confidence in receiving public services differs by their locale, education level, caste/ethnicity, not having close contact (Afno Manchhe), and presence of intermediaries. Education, not having a person in close contact (Afno manchhe) and the presence of intermediaries have a negative effect, whereas locale (rural) and caste/ethnicity (Brahman/Chettri) have positive effects on service users’ confidence in accessing public services. Consideration of these factors boosts the confidence of the service users, which, in turn, promotes effective service delivery.
{"title":"Service Users’ Confidence in Accessing Public Services in Nepal: What Makes Differences?","authors":"","doi":"10.52372/jps38103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52372/jps38103","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents the factors associated with service users’ confidence in receiving public services in Nepal. The factors were taken from National Governance Survey 2017/ 18 (N=7334). The survey respondents were randomly selected from 43 of 77 districts of Nepal by using four-stage multiple cluster sampling from the service users who received public services in a year duration. The result showed that service users’ confidence in receiving public services differs by their locale, education level, caste/ethnicity, not having close contact (Afno Manchhe), and presence of intermediaries. Education, not having a person in close contact (Afno manchhe) and the presence of intermediaries have a negative effect, whereas locale (rural) and caste/ethnicity (Brahman/Chettri) have positive effects on service users’ confidence in accessing public services. Consideration of these factors boosts the confidence of the service users, which, in turn, promotes effective service delivery.","PeriodicalId":36346,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Policy Studies","volume":"209 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77752486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the effort of official development assistance (ODA) since 1948, most of the countries experience decreasing marginal returns in the economic growth, resulting in middle-income trap. In the perspective that there must be an alternative ODA policy target to neo-classical economic theory, this study examines the configurations of economic and institutional factors that help the escape of middle-income trap. Previous middle-income trap studies investigated the slowdown of economic growth as a consequence of low total factor productivity and showed limited interest on institutional factors. Moreover, such studies based on regression could not draw the synergy of various factors. This study employed fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis to identify the combinations of economic and institutional factors that improve or reduce the possibility of the escape. The results suggest that while the overwhelming importance of total factor productivity still remains, configuration of institutional factors such as rule of law, property rights, anti-corruption, democratic institution is necessary to achieve the full escape of middle-income trap. The findings imply the need for not only financial aid but also institutional support for the developing countries to overcome the middle-income trap.
{"title":"How to Escape the Middle-Income Trap: Lessons for the ODA Policy","authors":"","doi":"10.52372/jps38104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52372/jps38104","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the effort of official development assistance (ODA) since 1948, most of the countries experience decreasing marginal returns in the economic growth, resulting in middle-income trap. In the perspective that there must be an alternative ODA policy target to neo-classical economic theory, this study examines the configurations of economic and institutional factors that help the escape of middle-income trap. Previous middle-income trap studies investigated the slowdown of economic growth as a consequence of low total factor productivity and showed limited interest on institutional factors. Moreover, such studies based on regression could not draw the synergy of various factors. This study employed fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis to identify the combinations of economic and institutional factors that improve or reduce the possibility of the escape. The results suggest that while the overwhelming importance of total factor productivity still remains, configuration of institutional factors such as rule of law, property rights, anti-corruption, democratic institution is necessary to achieve the full escape of middle-income trap. The findings imply the need for not only financial aid but also institutional support for the developing countries to overcome the middle-income trap.","PeriodicalId":36346,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Policy Studies","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86035912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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