Against the backdrop of the “normative power Europe” (Manners, 2002) thesis, this paper investigates the rule of law crisis in Poland and its implications on private companies’ performance and investment decisions. The rule of law plays a crucial role in companies’ investment activity, while at the same time is also a central category in the EU’s legal and political edifice. These two problems are rarely analysed together as inter-linked realities, which, in fact, they are. The central question of this paper is how the rule of law’s deterioration in Poland influences the private investment level in the country’s economy and what it might mean for the further political integration of the EU. Among the theories applied were those linked to the institutional approach, i.e., new institutional economics, while among the methods themselves, it was qualitative methods which were used over quantitative methods. It is argued that the political and legal crisis, which has placed Poland in an adversarial position towards the EU, may result in a long-term deterioration of the investment climate in Poland. It may also induce political instability and legal disintegration in the EU.
{"title":"The Rule of Law Crisis in Poland and “Normative Power EU” Thesis: Challenges and Implications","authors":"Paweł Leszczyński","doi":"10.33067/se.1.2023.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2023.1","url":null,"abstract":"Against the backdrop of the “normative power Europe” (Manners, 2002) thesis, this paper investigates the rule of law crisis in Poland and its implications on private companies’ performance and investment decisions. The rule of law plays a crucial role in companies’ investment activity, while at the same time is also a central category in the EU’s legal and political edifice. These two problems are rarely analysed together as inter-linked realities, which, in fact, they are. The central question of this paper is how the rule of law’s deterioration in Poland influences the private investment level in the country’s economy and what it might mean for the further political integration of the EU. Among the theories applied were those linked to the institutional approach, i.e., new institutional economics, while among the methods themselves, it was qualitative methods which were used over quantitative methods. It is argued that the political and legal crisis, which has placed Poland in an adversarial position towards the EU, may result in a long-term deterioration of the investment climate in Poland. It may also induce political instability and legal disintegration in the EU.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"abs/2303.16857 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114570589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we draw on the concepts of in-betweenness and migration interdependence in order to investigate the vulnerability of Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine due to their confl icting relations with Russia and the exposure of their economies to remittance flows from the latter. To achieve this goal, we explore whether and how migrant flows and remittance flows have diverged since 2014, when the three states signed their Association Agreements with the EU and their economic relations with Russia deteriorated. In this respect, we examine how interstate relations impact upon migration and remittances flows. After discussing in-betweenness and migration interdependence, we investigate the origin of the remittance inflows in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine and the destination of the migration outfl ows. We map the development of remittances from the World, Europe, and Russia and relate it with the development of their GDP using longitudinal data. A comparative analysis of our findings suggest that the three cases differ from each other, but, in all three cases, Russia has not used migration interdependence as leverage. We conclude that remittance flows in the three in-between states are more affected by the state of the global economy, the economic situation of Russia, and domestic circumstances rather than from interstate relations.
{"title":"In-betweenness and Migration Interdependence: Lessons from Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine","authors":"Anastasia Blouchoutzi, R. Pedi","doi":"10.33067/se.1.2023.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2023.6","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we draw on the concepts of in-betweenness and migration interdependence in order to investigate the vulnerability of Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine due to their confl icting relations with Russia and the exposure of their economies to remittance flows from the latter. To achieve this goal, we explore whether and how migrant flows and remittance flows have diverged since 2014, when the three states signed their Association Agreements with the EU and their economic relations with Russia deteriorated. In this respect, we examine how interstate relations impact upon migration and remittances flows. After discussing in-betweenness and migration interdependence, we investigate the origin of the remittance inflows in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine and the destination of the migration outfl ows. We map the development of remittances from the World, Europe, and Russia and relate it with the development of their GDP using longitudinal data. A comparative analysis of our findings suggest that the three cases differ from each other, but, in all three cases, Russia has not used migration interdependence as leverage. We conclude that remittance flows in the three in-between states are more affected by the state of the global economy, the economic situation of Russia, and domestic circumstances rather than from interstate relations.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126535964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The European Green Deal is the European Union’s latest expression of its ambition to become a world leader in addressing climate change (Kleinberga, 2020). Adaptation to climate change (CCh) is a key priority of the European Union (EU), exemplifi ed by the EU’s efforts to become “the first climate-neutral continent” (European Union, 2019) in the world by 2050. This article aims to analyse opportunities to increase consumer involvement in the context of waste sorting and climate change in Latvia, based on theoretical knowledge about consumer behaviour and empirical data analysis, to develop recommendations for marketing communication and consumer behaviour in the context of climate change content for waste management companies. There is a necessity to understand how to increase consumer involvement in waste-sorting due to the increasing amount of waste both in Latvia and the rest of the world. The following research methods have been used: the monographic method, secondary data analysis, the discourse analysis/coding method, the graphical method, and the qualitative method – a focus group interview. The most significant barriers that discourage consumers from sorting waste are the lack of infrastructure, the lack of information on how to sort waste properly and waste’s environmental impact, as well as the complex system that allows for differences in waste-sorting between municipalities and even neighbourhoods in the same city. Recommendations were developed as a result of the research for waste management companies in terms of communication, NGOs on education, and information for consumers, businesses, and waste management companies.
{"title":"European Green Deal: The Transformation of Consumer Behaviour and Business Marketing Communication as Opportunities to Increase Consumer Involvement in the Sorting of Waste in Latvia","authors":"Kristine Blumfelde-Rutka","doi":"10.33067/se.1.2023.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2023.8","url":null,"abstract":"The European Green Deal is the European Union’s latest expression of its ambition to become a world leader in addressing climate change (Kleinberga, 2020). Adaptation to climate change (CCh) is a key priority of the European Union (EU), exemplifi ed by the EU’s efforts to become “the first climate-neutral continent” (European Union, 2019) in the world by 2050. This article aims to analyse opportunities to increase consumer involvement in the context of waste sorting and climate change in Latvia, based on theoretical knowledge about consumer behaviour and empirical data analysis, to develop recommendations for marketing communication and consumer behaviour in the context of climate change content for waste management companies. There is a necessity to understand how to increase consumer involvement in waste-sorting due to the increasing amount of waste both in Latvia and the rest of the world. The following research methods have been used: the monographic method, secondary data analysis, the discourse analysis/coding method, the graphical method, and the qualitative method – a focus group interview. The most significant barriers that discourage consumers from sorting waste are the lack of infrastructure, the lack of information on how to sort waste properly and waste’s environmental impact, as well as the complex system that allows for differences in waste-sorting between municipalities and even neighbourhoods in the same city. Recommendations were developed as a result of the research for waste management companies in terms of communication, NGOs on education, and information for consumers, businesses, and waste management companies.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127869411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although the governments of Poland and Hungary seem to similarly contest the conditionality mechanism that requires one to respect the rule of law when using EU funds, there are differences between these countries. They become visible in the framing of political communication as regards the opposition parties. This article seeks to identify the grounds of the competition from parliamentary opposition of the governments in relation to the EU Recovery and Resilience Fund. An analysis of 2021’s parliamentary debates on national recovery and resilience plans revealed three communication frameworks: the financial frame (the policy dimension), the quality of governance frame (the politics dimension), and the European integration frame which shaped domestic political rivalry (the polity dimension). Differences within these framings between the narrative of the Polish and Hungarian opposition resulted from different institutional and structural contexts. The study confirms the importance of national opposition parties for the analysis of the process of European integration. The existence of a liberal opposition may promote the salience of the topic of European integration in domestic political debate.
{"title":"Opposition Discourse About National Recovery and Resilience Plans. Poland and Hungary Compared","authors":"A. Dudzinska, G. Ilonszki","doi":"10.33067/se.1.2023.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2023.2","url":null,"abstract":"Although the governments of Poland and Hungary seem to similarly contest the conditionality mechanism that requires one to respect the rule of law when using EU funds, there are differences between these countries. They become visible in the framing of political communication as regards the opposition parties. This article seeks to identify the grounds of the competition from parliamentary opposition of the governments in relation to the EU Recovery and Resilience Fund. An analysis of 2021’s parliamentary debates on national recovery and resilience plans revealed three communication frameworks: the financial frame (the policy dimension), the quality of governance frame (the politics dimension), and the European integration frame which shaped domestic political rivalry (the polity dimension). Differences within these framings between the narrative of the Polish and Hungarian opposition resulted from different institutional and structural contexts. The study confirms the importance of national opposition parties for the analysis of the process of European integration. The existence of a liberal opposition may promote the salience of the topic of European integration in domestic political debate.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"149 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121645020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Bulgarian case is symptomatic of the susceptibility of the EU enlargement policy under geopolitical pressure. The aim of this text is to add arguments to the statement that the dynamic of Bulgaria’s accession to the EU has been strongly influenced by external factors – mainly Yugoslavia’s disintegration and the subsequential Kososvo crisis. This crisis brought up the issue of the huge Russian influence over Bulgarian politics and societies and, as a result, predetermined the perception of Bulgaria as a high security risk for EU. In this situation, Bulgaria was an object of de-securitisation by the EU’s enlargement policy, but at the same time its main instrument, namely, the conditionality policy, was neglected. From this point of view, the Bulgarian case is important because: it illustrates the effects of this discrepancy to date; it is instructive in the context of EU enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans with huge Russian influence; and also in the context of the acceleration of the EU’s eastern enlargement policy toward Ukraine and Moldova because of the pressure of the ongoing Russian military invasion. The opportunity for accelerating the pre-accession process under the infl uence of unpredicted external events created prerequisites for politicising the whole process, including the political use of the conditionality and the consequently unfinished preaccession preparation of the newcomers. The research task is fulfilled by a synthesis of primary and secondary sources organised around three main questions – Which external circumstances? Why? and, How? The results of a discourse analysis of interviews with key participants in Bulgaria’s EU integration process are used as a starting point.
{"title":"The EU Eastern Enlargement Policy Under the Pressure of Geopolitics. The Bulgarian Case (Russia’s Little Brother)","authors":"Mirela Veleva-Eftimova","doi":"10.33067/se.1.2023.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2023.3","url":null,"abstract":"The Bulgarian case is symptomatic of the susceptibility of the EU enlargement policy under geopolitical pressure. The aim of this text is to add arguments to the statement that the dynamic of Bulgaria’s accession to the EU has been strongly influenced by external factors – mainly Yugoslavia’s disintegration and the subsequential Kososvo crisis. This crisis brought up the issue of the huge Russian influence over Bulgarian politics and societies and, as a result, predetermined the perception of Bulgaria as a high security risk for EU. In this situation, Bulgaria was an object of de-securitisation by the EU’s enlargement policy, but at the same time its main instrument, namely, the conditionality policy, was neglected. From this point of view, the Bulgarian case is important because: it illustrates the effects of this discrepancy to date; it is instructive in the context of EU enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans with huge Russian influence; and also in the context of the acceleration of the EU’s eastern enlargement policy toward Ukraine and Moldova because of the pressure of the ongoing Russian military invasion. The opportunity for accelerating the pre-accession process under the infl uence of unpredicted external events created prerequisites for politicising the whole process, including the political use of the conditionality and the consequently unfinished preaccession preparation of the newcomers. The research task is fulfilled by a synthesis of primary and secondary sources organised around three main questions – Which external circumstances? Why? and, How? The results of a discourse analysis of interviews with key participants in Bulgaria’s EU integration process are used as a starting point.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134095523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
he prospect of implementing the concept of the Blue Economy is currently still at a relatively early stage of achieving its full potential. The purpose of this paper is to present the idea of the ocean economy and selected aspects of its financing, including initiatives undertaken in this area by the European Union. Part I characterises the Blue Economy, part II discusses selected aspects of financing a sustainable ocean economy, and part III analyses the institutional approach, particularly within the EU, to the financing process of this type of economy. The descriptive method was used to conduct this study, and the available literature on and legal acts related to the subject of the article has been analysed. The undertakings made so far, especially by the EU, are impressive and, moreover, are driving global activity towards the sustainable financing of the Blue Economy. It is becoming a fundamental priority to realise the governments’ and international organisations’ aspirations to make economies independent from excessive carbon emissions, to counteract water degradation, overfishing, and shrinking drinking water resources. In the long term, it is important to develop coherence between the actions of national entities and the sources and methods of international funding. This is in order to develop a mutual, global good of innovative fi nancing of coastal projects for sustainable development.
{"title":"EU Involvement in the Financing of the Blue Economy","authors":"Magdalena Proczek, Marta Garbarczyk","doi":"10.33067/se.1.2023.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2023.7","url":null,"abstract":"he prospect of implementing the concept of the Blue Economy is currently still at a relatively early stage of achieving its full potential. The purpose of this paper is to present the idea of the ocean economy and selected aspects of its financing, including initiatives undertaken in this area by the European Union. Part I characterises the Blue Economy, part II discusses selected aspects of financing a sustainable ocean economy, and part III analyses the institutional approach, particularly within the EU, to the financing process of this type of economy. The descriptive method was used to conduct this study, and the available literature on and legal acts related to the subject of the article has been analysed. The undertakings made so far, especially by the EU, are impressive and, moreover, are driving global activity towards the sustainable financing of the Blue Economy. It is becoming a fundamental priority to realise the governments’ and international organisations’ aspirations to make economies independent from excessive carbon emissions, to counteract water degradation, overfishing, and shrinking drinking water resources. In the long term, it is important to develop coherence between the actions of national entities and the sources and methods of international funding. This is in order to develop a mutual, global good of innovative fi nancing of coastal projects for sustainable development.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132806380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has implemented legitimate fears of a global crisis and further and inevitably aggravating existing food-security challenges. The international community is being called upon to take targeted action to address the rapidly-evolving, resultant scenarios, making it essential to go beyond immediate interim measures and to re-examine the agricultural and energy policies that underpin our global economy. This article, without any claim to exhaustiveness, examines the inevitable link between war and the dynamics related to food security. In the first instance, a theoretical-interpretative key of the logics of violent conflicts that generate a relevant impact on global food supplies and food (in)security is provided, within the broader framework of the dynamics related to the instability of international relations which hinder the supply of energy resources and determine the volatility of general price levels. In the concluding section, there is reflection crossed reference to the ongoing Russia/Ukraine conflict as well as the devastating consequences on global food systems, already put under stress by the COVID-19 pandemic.
{"title":"War and Food (In)security – A Lesson from the Russian-Ukrainian Confl ict","authors":"Angela Iacovino, A. Andreotti, Sara Rago","doi":"10.33067/se.1.2023.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2023.5","url":null,"abstract":"The Russian invasion of Ukraine has implemented legitimate fears of a global crisis and further and inevitably aggravating existing food-security challenges. The international community is being called upon to take targeted action to address the rapidly-evolving, resultant scenarios, making it essential to go beyond immediate interim measures and to re-examine the agricultural and energy policies that underpin our global economy. This article, without any claim to exhaustiveness, examines the inevitable link between war and the dynamics related to food security. In the first instance, a theoretical-interpretative key of the logics of violent conflicts that generate a relevant impact on global food supplies and food (in)security is provided, within the broader framework of the dynamics related to the instability of international relations which hinder the supply of energy resources and determine the volatility of general price levels. In the concluding section, there is reflection crossed reference to the ongoing Russia/Ukraine conflict as well as the devastating consequences on global food systems, already put under stress by the COVID-19 pandemic.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127154420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyses the evolution of civil-military relations in Spain from 1923 to 2021. The research defines the role of the military organisation during two authoritarian regimes in the 20th century along with the country’s democratic transition. After a historical overview, the military change process known as Experimental Brigade 2035 is selected as a case study to determine whether its origin is civilian or military in nature. The results of the research evidence the civilian infl uence in budgetary issues and limits in performance. At the same time, the military has a certain autonomy to implement modernisation plans in the framework of assigned competences
{"title":"Is the Spanish Army’s Experimental Brigade 2035 a Result of Civil-military Relations? A Historical Overview (1923–2021)","authors":"Guillermo López-Rodríguez","doi":"10.33067/se.1.2023.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2023.4","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the evolution of civil-military relations in Spain from 1923 to 2021. The research defines the role of the military organisation during two authoritarian regimes in the 20th century along with the country’s democratic transition. After a historical overview, the military change process known as Experimental Brigade 2035 is selected as a case study to determine whether its origin is civilian or military in nature. The results of the research evidence the civilian infl uence in budgetary issues and limits in performance. At the same time, the military has a certain autonomy to implement modernisation plans in the framework of assigned competences","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125530515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After Russia invaded Ukraine, Finland quickly applied for NATO membership. This step is not necessarily that drastic should Finland’s security policy development in the long term be examined with one’s focus set on a gradually-developed defence policy. It represents an important continuity in security policy, but also played a central role in advancing Finland’s steps to becoming NATO members. On the basis of different studies and accounts, the following points seem to be critical in constructing a preliminary narrative about Finland’s road to the Alliance. After the Second World War, Finland’s western relations became dependent on its bilateral relations with the Soviet Union. Finland was aware that it could not expect any support from the West as regards its security. Despite a security policy based on recognising facts, and the FCMA Treaty with the Soviet Union, the eastern neighbour was seen as the main, and, later on, the only military threat on the basis of history and Finland’s vulnerable geopolitical position. The threat, however, was concealed by so-called “doubletalk” in security policy discourse until the 2010s. In this context, state defence was developed to be an independent and modern territorial defence, ultimately there to defend against a large-scale invasion. Finland’s defence enjoyed high legitimacy and confi dence in society, especially from the 1970s. Security policy was raised above normal politics to be a kind of super-politics with a strong political consensus. When the Cold War ended and Finland joined the European Union, defence policy and the defence establishment got a leading role in working an approaching NATO. Finland’s opportunities to conduct stabilisation policy in its close neighbourhood were seen as being limited, especially after Russia adopted a self-asserting foreign and security policy towards theWest after 2007. At the same time, the subsequently increased cooperation, networking, and integration stimulated perceptions about western defence dependence. This increased emphasis on defence actually turned people’s attention to the extra security that NATO membership might provide. Applying for NATO, however, required the shock of a Russian invasion of Ukraine before the Finnish public was ready to see the risks of NATO membership as being less than that of its benefits.
{"title":"It Is About Protection. Defence in Finland’s Steps to NATO","authors":"Arto Nokkala","doi":"10.33067/se.4.2022.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.4.2022.2","url":null,"abstract":"After Russia invaded Ukraine, Finland quickly applied for NATO membership. This step is not necessarily that drastic should Finland’s security policy development in the long term be examined with one’s focus set on a gradually-developed defence policy. It represents an important continuity in security policy, but also played a central role in advancing Finland’s steps to becoming NATO members. On the basis of different studies and accounts, the following points seem to be critical in constructing a preliminary narrative about Finland’s road to the Alliance. After the Second World War, Finland’s western relations became dependent on its bilateral relations with the Soviet Union. Finland was aware that it could not expect any support from the West as regards its security. Despite a security policy based on recognising facts, and the FCMA Treaty with the Soviet Union, the eastern neighbour was seen as the main, and, later on, the only military threat on the basis of history and Finland’s vulnerable geopolitical position. The threat, however, was concealed by so-called “doubletalk” in security policy discourse until the 2010s. In this context, state defence was developed to be an independent and modern territorial defence, ultimately there to defend against a large-scale invasion. Finland’s defence enjoyed high legitimacy and confi dence in society, especially from the 1970s. Security policy was raised above normal politics to be a kind of super-politics with a strong political consensus. When the Cold War ended and Finland joined the European Union, defence policy and the defence establishment got a leading role in working an approaching NATO. Finland’s opportunities to conduct stabilisation policy in its close neighbourhood were seen as being limited, especially after Russia adopted a self-asserting foreign and security policy towards theWest after 2007. At the same time, the subsequently increased cooperation, networking, and integration stimulated perceptions about western defence dependence. This increased emphasis on defence actually turned people’s attention to the extra security that NATO membership might provide. Applying for NATO, however, required the shock of a Russian invasion of Ukraine before the Finnish public was ready to see the risks of NATO membership as being less than that of its benefits.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125838706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Throughout its history, Finland’s relations with Russia have generally been determined by Russian attempts to secure control over the eastern part of the Baltic Sea region. In medieval times, it was mainly about the control of trade routes, especially between Novgorod, and Western Europe and Byzantium. After the founding of the new city of St. Petersburg by Peter the Great in 1703, the rulers of Russia were faced with the problem of ensuring security to that city. From a Russian point of view, it became vitally important to gain control over lands on the eastern side of the Baltic Sea. When Finland became a Russian province in 1809, it seemed that the Baltic security dilemmas of Russia had fi nally been resolved. However, the collapse of Tsarist Russia in 1917 changed that particular situation. Finland became independent, and Russia’s border moved east to the outskirts of St. Petersburg (renamed Petrograd during World War I). For the leaders of the Soviet Union, which had replaced the Romanov Empire, World War II provided an opportunity to try to regain lost Finnish territories. Although the Red Army did not manage to conquer Finland, during two wars (occurring between 1939–1940 and 1941–1944), the post war settlement saw the Soviet-Finnish border shift back westwards. Finland also had to reckon with the requirements of the USSR’s security policy and make it a priority of its own foreign policyAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Finland modified its policy of neutrality and adopted a doctrine of non-alignment that has remained in place to this day. However, the increase of tensions in international relations in recent years, due to Russia’s aggressive foreign policy threatening its neighbours, has forced Finnish statesmen to rethink their country’s security policy. After the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Finland, together with Sweden, decided to apply for NATO membership. The ratification procedure is ongoing. The aim of this paper is to analyse, in a longer historical perspective, what Finland’s place was as regards the Russian and Soviet security policy, from Peter the Great to our times. The methodological approach refl ects the chronology of events which have occurred in the eastern part of the Baltic Sea region in the last 300 years. They are described to provide readers with necessary facts, and create the background for conclusions on the reasons for the Russian/Soviet policy towards Finland and, in a broader sense, the northern coasts of the Gulf of Finland.
{"title":"In the Shadow of the Eastern Neighbour. Finland in the Security Policy of Russia and the Soviet Union from Peter the Great to Contemporary Times","authors":"J. Suchoples","doi":"10.33067/se.4.2022.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.4.2022.1","url":null,"abstract":"Throughout its history, Finland’s relations with Russia have generally been determined by Russian attempts to secure control over the eastern part of the Baltic Sea region. In medieval times, it was mainly about the control of trade routes, especially between Novgorod, and Western Europe and Byzantium. After the founding of the new city of St. Petersburg by Peter the Great in 1703, the rulers of Russia were faced with the problem of ensuring security to that city. From a Russian point of view, it became vitally important to gain control over lands on the eastern side of the Baltic Sea. When Finland became a Russian province in 1809, it seemed that the Baltic security dilemmas of Russia had fi nally been resolved. However, the collapse of Tsarist Russia in 1917 changed that particular situation. Finland became independent, and Russia’s border moved east to the outskirts of St. Petersburg (renamed Petrograd during World War I). For the leaders of the Soviet Union, which had replaced the Romanov Empire, World War II provided an opportunity to try to regain lost Finnish territories. Although the Red Army did not manage to conquer Finland, during two wars (occurring between 1939–1940 and 1941–1944), the post war settlement saw the Soviet-Finnish border shift back westwards. Finland also had to reckon with the requirements of the USSR’s security policy and make it a priority of its own foreign policyAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Finland modified its policy of neutrality and adopted a doctrine of non-alignment that has remained in place to this day. However, the increase of tensions in international relations in recent years, due to Russia’s aggressive foreign policy threatening its neighbours, has forced Finnish statesmen to rethink their country’s security policy. After the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Finland, together with Sweden, decided to apply for NATO membership. The ratification procedure is ongoing. The aim of this paper is to analyse, in a longer historical perspective, what Finland’s place was as regards the Russian and Soviet security policy, from Peter the Great to our times. The methodological approach refl ects the chronology of events which have occurred in the eastern part of the Baltic Sea region in the last 300 years. They are described to provide readers with necessary facts, and create the background for conclusions on the reasons for the Russian/Soviet policy towards Finland and, in a broader sense, the northern coasts of the Gulf of Finland.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"85 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127985579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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