The modern Russian regime is one of the more prominent states espousing an explicitly illiberal ideological worldview domestically and abroad. Although regime illiberalism is many-sided, including authoritarian governance characteristics, international diffusion practices, and domestic political management, observers have often assumed that illiberalism is at its core an instrumental or cynical approach employed by the Russian leadership to bolster regime security and promote its foreign policy. This article suggests rather that observed illiberalism has additional roots in the dynamics of authoritarian domestic politics and society, rather than being characterized as simply a cynical top-down strategy of the Kremlin. Rather, regime illiberalism is congruent with many domestic drivers of political and societal influence. While decision-making elites certainly play up illiberalism instrumentally for purposes of regime maintenance and positional international influence, large institutional constituencies for substantive illiberalism also exist independent of regime goals. After suggesting two institutional formats—the Russian parliament and national broadcast media—in which observed illiberalism can best understood as an entrepreneurial behavior by lower-tier elite signaling loyalty and usefulness to the regime center, three further institutional sources are identified to be constituted by inherently illiberal organizational and symbolic forms that would promote illiberalism regardless of the regime’s strategic preferences: the Russian Orthodox Church, the Russian Armed Forces, and the symbolic center of the patronal presidency.
{"title":"Elites and Institutions in the Russian Thermidor: Regime Instrumentalism, Entrepreneurial Signaling, and Inherent Illiberalism","authors":"Julian G. Waller","doi":"10.53483/vchs2523","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53483/vchs2523","url":null,"abstract":"The modern Russian regime is one of the more prominent states espousing an explicitly illiberal ideological worldview domestically and abroad. Although regime illiberalism is many-sided, including authoritarian governance characteristics, international diffusion practices, and domestic political management, observers have often assumed that illiberalism is at its core an instrumental or cynical approach employed by the Russian leadership to bolster regime security and promote its foreign policy. This article suggests rather that observed illiberalism has additional roots in the dynamics of authoritarian domestic politics and society, rather than being characterized as simply a cynical top-down strategy of the Kremlin. Rather, regime illiberalism is congruent with many domestic drivers of political and societal influence. While decision-making elites certainly play up illiberalism instrumentally for purposes of regime maintenance and positional international influence, large institutional constituencies for substantive illiberalism also exist independent of regime goals. After suggesting two institutional formats—the Russian parliament and national broadcast media—in which observed illiberalism can best understood as an entrepreneurial behavior by lower-tier elite signaling loyalty and usefulness to the regime center, three further institutional sources are identified to be constituted by inherently illiberal organizational and symbolic forms that would promote illiberalism regardless of the regime’s strategic preferences: the Russian Orthodox Church, the Russian Armed Forces, and the symbolic center of the patronal presidency.","PeriodicalId":370884,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Illiberalism Studies","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133434679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The central focus of this article is an in-depth analysis of the interplay between Patriarch Kirill’s ideology of “Holy Tradition” and the movement Sorok Sorokov, which we consider Kirill’s praetorian guard, in charge of “maintaining the order for patriarchal services”—services which include humanitarian and military assistance in Russian offensives, the punishment of non-traditional priests, and the on-site guards of patriarchal projects within the wider scope of Russkiy mir. More importantly however, and due to this privileged position, Sorok Sorokov acts as a radicalizing outreach for Patriarch Kirill’s “Holy Tradition” in the digital space. To demonstrate this relationship, we employ a mixed methods approach in line with digital humanities methodology. To achieve this, we have developed telegram API and web scraping tools as well as utilized exploratory data analysis, natural language processing, and critical discourse analysis. Our preliminary conclusions are that: (1) Sorok Sorokov does indeed function as a radical extension of Patriarch Kirill’s Holy Tradition and (2) that Sorok Sorokov operates as an illiberal service provider for the Russian Orthodox Church in social contexts that Patriarch Kirill cannot directly address such as war and radical, national politics.
{"title":"Patriarch Kirill’s Praetorian Guard: Sorok Sorokov as Radical Outreach for “Holy Tradition”","authors":"Adam Hanzel, Kiril Avramov","doi":"10.53483/xclu3548","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53483/xclu3548","url":null,"abstract":"The central focus of this article is an in-depth analysis of the interplay between Patriarch Kirill’s ideology of “Holy Tradition” and the movement Sorok Sorokov, which we consider Kirill’s praetorian guard, in charge of “maintaining the order for patriarchal services”—services which include humanitarian and military assistance in Russian offensives, the punishment of non-traditional priests, and the on-site guards of patriarchal projects within the wider scope of Russkiy mir. More importantly however, and due to this privileged position, Sorok Sorokov acts as a radicalizing outreach for Patriarch Kirill’s “Holy Tradition” in the digital space. To demonstrate this relationship, we employ a mixed methods approach in line with digital humanities methodology. To achieve this, we have developed telegram API and web scraping tools as well as utilized exploratory data analysis, natural language processing, and critical discourse analysis. Our preliminary conclusions are that: (1) Sorok Sorokov does indeed function as a radical extension of Patriarch Kirill’s Holy Tradition and (2) that Sorok Sorokov operates as an illiberal service provider for the Russian Orthodox Church in social contexts that Patriarch Kirill cannot directly address such as war and radical, national politics.","PeriodicalId":370884,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Illiberalism Studies","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114683065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The French and Spanish far rights are going through a period of intense joint activity. In both countries, a renewed ideological framework is narrowing the gap between the moderate right and the extreme right, creating even more radical hybrids. Organized around diverse reactionary ideologies, mainly stemming from the European New Right school of thought and conservative Christianism, these two countries are part of a larger international coalition trying to establish a new civilizational order. These forces are targeting different social minorities, progressive movements, and, ultimately, the very principles of liberal democracy. This article provides a socio-historical analysis of the ideas that structure these radical geopolitical constructions in order to trace the continuity between the past, present, and potential future of important sectors of the far right in France, Spain, and beyond.
{"title":"The Spanish and French Far Rights in Their Quest for a New Traditionalist Order","authors":"Arsenio Cuenca Navarrete","doi":"10.53483/xckx3549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53483/xckx3549","url":null,"abstract":"The French and Spanish far rights are going through a period of intense joint activity. In both countries, a renewed ideological framework is narrowing the gap between the moderate right and the extreme right, creating even more radical hybrids. Organized around diverse reactionary ideologies, mainly stemming from the European New Right school of thought and conservative Christianism, these two countries are part of a larger international coalition trying to establish a new civilizational order. These forces are targeting different social minorities, progressive movements, and, ultimately, the very principles of liberal democracy. This article provides a socio-historical analysis of the ideas that structure these radical geopolitical constructions in order to trace the continuity between the past, present, and potential future of important sectors of the far right in France, Spain, and beyond.","PeriodicalId":370884,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Illiberalism Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115958035","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores how illiberal forces are structuring in Georgia and what this evolution reveals about the weakness of Georgia’s democratic institutions and liberal values. The analysis starts with a discussion of how political polarization creates the context for illiberal groups to undermine democracy. Drawing on theoretical and empirical inquiry, I suggest the causal mechanism of how weak democratic institutions enable the emergence of illiberal groups through a personalized party system. Then, I address the lack of genuine democratic commitment on the part of Georgia’s main political actors. Further, I probe for the movements that are gradually changing the grassroots dynamics by promoting conservative values, and their ties to Russia. The concluding section discusses the politicization of gender issues and the polarization of political space as two concomitant trends that frustrate the search for democratic consensus in Georgia.
{"title":"Georgia's Illiberal Forces: Political Polarization against Democracy","authors":"Zarina Burkadze","doi":"10.53483/wcju3536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53483/wcju3536","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores how illiberal forces are structuring in Georgia and what this evolution reveals about the weakness of Georgia’s democratic institutions and liberal values. The analysis starts with a discussion of how political polarization creates the context for illiberal groups to undermine democracy. Drawing on theoretical and empirical inquiry, I suggest the causal mechanism of how weak democratic institutions enable the emergence of illiberal groups through a personalized party system. Then, I address the lack of genuine democratic commitment on the part of Georgia’s main political actors. Further, I probe for the movements that are gradually changing the grassroots dynamics by promoting conservative values, and their ties to Russia. The concluding section discusses the politicization of gender issues and the polarization of political space as two concomitant trends that frustrate the search for democratic consensus in Georgia.","PeriodicalId":370884,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Illiberalism Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131518916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Latin America, presidents from different ideological backgrounds have systematically attacked the judiciary in order to implement their preferred public policies. In many cases, the leaders who control the executive branch have shown an early normative opposition to the power of courts to engage in the process of judicial review. For this article, I conducted a case study of Argentina from 2007 to 2015 under President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner that showed a different pattern and dynamic. After judges started to block public policies, she challenged the conception that liberal democracies require an independent judiciary with the constitutional ability to limit the scope of action of the executive and legislative branches. This view challenged the traditional liberal-democratic conception of the judiciary as a counter-majoritarian branch. The presidential party characterized judges as an aristocratic caste who ruled against the popular will in order to protect corporations’ economic interests. Consequently, the president proposed a “democratized judiciary” in which judges rule following the “people’s will,” which meant whatever the president elected by a circumstantial electoral majority decided.
在拉丁美洲，来自不同意识形态背景的总统有系统地攻击司法部门，以实施他们喜欢的公共政策。在许多情况下，控制行政部门的领导人对法院参与司法审查过程的权力表现出早期的规范性反对。在这篇文章中，我对2007年至2015年阿根廷总统克里斯蒂娜Fernández德基什内尔(Cristina de Kirchner)领导下的阿根廷进行了一个案例研究，显示出一种不同的模式和动态。在法官开始阻挠公共政策之后，她挑战了自由民主要求司法独立的观念，这种司法独立具有宪法赋予的限制行政和立法部门行动范围的能力。这一观点挑战了传统的自由民主观念，即司法是一个反多数主义的部门。总统党将法官描述为贵族阶层，他们为了保护企业的经济利益而违背民意进行统治。因此，卢武铉总统提出了法官按照“国民意志”进行审判的“民主化司法”。“国民意志”是指根据间接多数选举产生的总统的决定进行审判。
{"title":"Radicalization and the Origins of Populist Narratives about the Courts: The Argentinian Case, 2007–2015","authors":"Benjamin Garcia Holgado","doi":"10.53483/xcmu3555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53483/xcmu3555","url":null,"abstract":"In Latin America, presidents from different ideological backgrounds have systematically attacked the judiciary in order to implement their preferred public policies. In many cases, the leaders who control the executive branch have shown an early normative opposition to the power of courts to engage in the process of judicial review. For this article, I conducted a case study of Argentina from 2007 to 2015 under President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner that showed a different pattern and dynamic. After judges started to block public policies, she challenged the conception that liberal democracies require an independent judiciary with the constitutional ability to limit the scope of action of the executive and legislative branches. This view challenged the traditional liberal-democratic conception of the judiciary as a counter-majoritarian branch. The presidential party characterized judges as an aristocratic caste who ruled against the popular will in order to protect corporations’ economic interests. Consequently, the president proposed a “democratized judiciary” in which judges rule following the “people’s will,” which meant whatever the president elected by a circumstantial electoral majority decided.","PeriodicalId":370884,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Illiberalism Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129195544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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