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Moral Philosophy and Politics最新文献

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Frontmatter
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.1515/mopp-2019-frontmatter2
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the Special Issue: Towards Foolproof Democracy: Improving Public Debate and Political Decision-Making 特刊导言:迈向万无一失的民主:改善公共辩论和政治决策
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.1515/mopp-2019-2025
David Lanius, Ioannis Votsis
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引用次数: 0
Are Referendums and Parliamentary Elections Reconcilable? The Implications of Three Voting Paradoxes 全民公决和议会选举可以调和吗?三个投票悖论的含义
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.1515/mopp-2018-0055
S. Bloks
Abstract In representative democracies, referendum voting and parliamentary elections provide two fundamentally different methods for determining the majority opinion. We use three mathematical paradoxes – so-called majority voting paradoxes – to show that referendum voting can reverse the outcome of a parliamentary election, even if the same group of voters have expressed the same preferences on the issues considered in the referendums and the parliamentary election. This insight about the systemic contrarieties between referendum voting and parliamentary elections sheds a new light on the debate about the supplementary value of referendums in representative democracies. Using this insight, we will suggest legal conditions for the implementation of referendums in representative democracies that can pre-empt the conflict between the two methods for determining the majority opinion.
在代议制民主国家,公民投票和议会选举为确定多数人的意见提供了两种根本不同的方法。我们使用了三个数学上的悖论——所谓的多数投票悖论——来证明公民投票可以扭转议会选举的结果,即使同一群选民对公民投票和议会选举中考虑的问题表达了相同的偏好。这种对全民公决投票和议会选举之间系统性矛盾的洞察,为关于代议制民主中全民公决的补充价值的辩论提供了新的视角。利用这一见解,我们将提出在代议制民主国家实施公民投票的法律条件,这些条件可以预先防止确定多数意见的两种方法之间的冲突。
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引用次数: 1
Political Machines: Ethical Governance in the Age of AI 政治机器:人工智能时代的伦理治理
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.1515/mopp-2019-0004
Fiona J. McEvoy
Abstract Policymakers are responsible for key decisions about political governance. Usually, they are selected or elected based on experience and then supported in their decision-making by the additional counsel of subject experts. Those satisfied with this system believe these individuals – generally speaking – will have the right intuitions about the best types of action. This is important because political decisions have ethical implications; they affect how we all live in society. Nevertheless, there is a wealth of research that cautions against trusting human judgment as it can be severely flawed. This paper will look at the root causes of the most common errors of human judgment before arguing – contra the instincts of many – that future AI systems could take a range of political decisions more reliably. I will argue that, if/when engineers establish ethically robust systems, governments will have a moral obligation to refer to them as a part of decision-making.
决策者对政治治理的关键决策负责。通常,他们是根据经验选出或选出的,然后在决策时得到专题专家的额外建议的支持。那些对这个系统感到满意的人相信,一般来说,这些人会对最佳行动类型有正确的直觉。这一点很重要,因为政治决策具有伦理意义;它们影响着我们在社会中的生活方式。然而,有大量的研究警告人们不要相信人类的判断,因为它可能有严重的缺陷。本文将着眼于人类判断中最常见错误的根本原因,然后论证——与许多人的直觉相反——未来的人工智能系统可以更可靠地做出一系列政治决策。我认为,如果/当工程师建立道德健全的系统时,政府将有道德义务将其作为决策的一部分。
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引用次数: 2
Deliberating about Climate Change: The Case for ‘Thinking and Nudging’ 考虑气候变化:“思考和推动”的案例
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-09-28 DOI: 10.1515/mopp-2018-0034
Dominic Lenzi
Abstract Proponents of deliberative democracy believe deliberation provides the best chance of finding effective and legitimate climate policies. However, in many societies there is substantial evidence of biased cognition and polarisation about climate change. Further, many appear unable to distinguish reliable scientific information from false claims or misinformation. While deliberation significantly reduces polarisation about climate change, and can even increase the provision of reliable beliefs, these benefits are difficult to scale up, and are slow to affect whole societies. In response, I propose a combined strategy of ‘thinking and nudging’. While deliberative theorists tend to view nudging askance, combining deliberation with nudges promises to be a timelier and more effective response to climate change than deliberation alone. I outline several proposals to improve societal deliberative capacity while reducing climate risks, including media reform, strategic communication and framing of debates, incentivising pro-climate behaviour change, and better education about science.
协商民主的支持者认为,协商提供了找到有效和合法的气候政策的最佳机会。然而,在许多社会中,有大量证据表明对气候变化的认知存在偏见和两极分化。此外,许多人似乎无法区分可靠的科学信息与虚假声明或错误信息。虽然深思熟虑大大减少了关于气候变化的两极分化,甚至可以增加可靠信念的提供,但这些好处很难扩大规模,而且对整个社会的影响也很慢。作为回应,我提出了一个“思考和推动”的组合策略。虽然协商理论家倾向于对推动持怀疑态度,但将审议与推动结合起来,有望比单独审议更及时、更有效地应对气候变化。我概述了在减少气候风险的同时提高社会审议能力的几项建议,包括媒体改革、战略沟通和辩论框架、激励有利于气候的行为改变以及更好的科学教育。
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引用次数: 8
Solidarity as Social Involvement 团结即社会参与
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-09-25 DOI: 10.1515/mopp-2019-0008
Roberto Frega
Abstract This paper reclaims the concept of solidarity for democratic theory. It does this by proposing a theory of solidarity as social involvement that is construed through the integration of three better known conceptions of solidarity that have played an influential role in the political thought of the last two centuries. The paper begins by explaining why solidarity should receive more sustained attention from political theorists with an interest in democracy, and proceeds by presenting two indispensability arguments. Section three outlines the three rival conceptions of solidarity and contends that whilst individually incomplete, each provides an important insight, so that a fuller and more satisfying conception of solidarity can be developed by weaving together some features of these three conceptions. This task is undertaken in section four, which introduces the theory of solidarity as social involvement, defining solidarity in terms of acting-for and acting-with. Section five briefly discusses some of its potential implications for democratic theory, before bringing the article to a close.
本文在民主理论中重新提出了团结的概念。它通过提出团结作为社会参与的理论来实现这一点,这一理论是通过整合三个更知名的团结概念来解释的,这三个概念在过去两个世纪的政治思想中发挥了重要作用。本文首先解释了为什么团结应该受到对民主感兴趣的政治理论家更持久的关注,然后提出了两个不可或缺的论点。第三节概述了三个相互对立的团结概念,并认为虽然单独不完整,但每个概念都提供了重要的见解,因此,通过将这三个概念的某些特征编织在一起,可以发展出一个更完整、更令人满意的团结概念。这项任务在第四节中进行,该节介绍了团结作为社会参与的理论,从行动和行动方面定义了团结。在文章结束之前,第五节简要讨论了它对民主理论的一些潜在影响。
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引用次数: 4
Everybody to Count for One? Inclusion and Exclusion in Welfare-Consequentialist Public Policy 大家都来数一个数吗?福利-结果主义公共政策中的包容与排斥
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-09-22 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3392370
N. Semple
Abstract Which individuals should count in a welfare-consequentialist analysis of public policy? Some answers to this question are parochial, and others are more inclusive. The most inclusive possible answer is ‘everybody to count for one.’ In other words, all individuals who are capable of having welfare – including foreigners, the unborn, and non-human animals – should be weighed equally. This article argues that ‘who should count’ is a question that requires a two-level answer. On the first level, a specification of welfare-consequentialism serves as an ethical ideal, a claim about the attributes that the ideal policy would have. ‘Everybody to count for one’ might succeed on this level. However, on the second level is the welfare-consequentialist analysis procedure used by human analysts to give advice on real policy questions. For epistemic reasons, the analysis procedure should be more parochial than ‘everybody to count for one.’
在福利-后果主义的公共政策分析中,哪些人应该被考虑在内?这个问题的一些答案是狭隘的,而另一些则更加包容。最具包容性的答案是“每个人都算一个”。“换句话说,所有有能力享受福利的人——包括外国人、未出生的婴儿和非人类的动物——都应该被平等地衡量。”本文认为,“谁应该算”是一个需要两个层次答案的问题。在第一个层面上,福利结果主义的具体说明作为一种伦理理想,一种关于理想政策应该具有的属性的主张。“每个人都数为一”在这个层面上可能会成功。然而,在第二个层面上是福利-结果主义分析程序,由人类分析师使用,对实际政策问题提出建议。出于认识上的原因,分析过程应该比“每个人都算一个”更狭隘。
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引用次数: 1
Disengagement in the Digital Age: A Virtue Ethical Approach to Epistemic Sorting on Social Media 数字时代的脱离:社交媒体认知分类的美德伦理方法
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1515/mopp-2018-0066
K. Worden
Abstract Using the Aristotelian virtue of friendship and concept of practical wisdom, this paper argues that engaging in political discourse with friends on social media is conducive to the pursuit of the good life because it facilitates the acquisition of the socio-political information and understanding necessary to live well. Previous work on social media, the virtues, and friendship focuses on the initiation and maintenance of the highest form of friendship (Aristotle’s ‘ideal friendship’) online. I argue that the information necessary to live well can come from non-ideal, civic friends in addition to ideal friends. In order to acquire this information successfully via social media, users should practice inclusive engagement, self-control, discretion, and audience-sensitivity in their cyber interactions. This argument is salient given the current concerns about ‘echo chambers’ or ‘filter bubbles’, in which users ignore or block out friends and news sources that support political perspectives different from one’s own.
利用亚里士多德的友谊美德和实践智慧的概念,本文认为,与朋友在社交媒体上进行政治话语有助于追求美好生活,因为它有助于获取生活所需的社会政治信息和理解。之前关于社交媒体、美德和友谊的研究主要集中在网络上最高形式的友谊(亚里士多德的“理想友谊”)的建立和维持。我认为,生活所需的信息除了来自理想的朋友之外,还可以来自非理想的公民朋友。为了通过社交媒体成功获取这些信息,用户应该在网络互动中实践包容性参与、自我控制、谨慎和受众敏感性。考虑到当前对“回音室”或“过滤气泡”的担忧,这一论点显得尤为突出。在“回音室”或“过滤气泡”中,用户忽略或屏蔽支持与自己不同政治观点的朋友和新闻来源。
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引用次数: 3
Decriminalizing People Smuggling 将人口走私合法化
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-08-28 DOI: 10.1515/mopp-2018-0054
M. Gerver
Abstract Since 2015 millions of migrants have paid smugglers to take them across borders. In response, states have increasingly arrested smugglers, hoping to morally condemn smuggling, and to decrease the rate of inward migration. This article argues that, even if a state is justified in morally condemning smuggling, and justified in decreasing inward migration, arresting smugglers is a disproportionate response for reaching these ends.
自2015年以来,数百万移民付钱给走私者,让走私者带他们穿越边境。作为回应,各国越来越多地逮捕走私者,希望从道义上谴责走私,并降低向内移民的速度。本文认为,即使一个国家在道德上有理由谴责走私,有理由减少向内移民,逮捕走私者也是达到这些目的的不相称的反应。
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引用次数: 2
Frontmatter
IF 0.6 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-04-01 DOI: 10.1515/mopp-2019-frontmatter1
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Moral Philosophy and Politics
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