Pub Date : 2022-08-18DOI: 10.1177/10957960221117372
Kiana Duncan
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Pub Date : 2022-08-18DOI: 10.1177/10957960221117832
Eric Blanc
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Pub Date : 2022-08-18DOI: 10.1177/10957960221116831
S. Sonti
the available absorb Workers’ bargaining resulted in labor that threatened to ignite a dangerous “wage-price for perhaps that to more consequences
现有的吸纳工人的谈判导致了劳动力有可能引发危险的“工资价格”，可能会造成更大的后果
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Pub Date : 2022-08-12DOI: 10.1177/10957960221116826
S. Sweeney
A decade ago, the global network of “megacities” known as C40—so named for the forty cities that founded it in 2005—released a report titled “Why Cities Are the Solution to Global Climate Change.”1 Seoul, Mumbai, Paris, Cape Town, and other cities have won awards for their leadership on climate, and U.S. cities are, C40 suggests, doing more on climate than major cities elsewhere.2 In 2019, the mayor’s office of New York City (NYC) stated that it was “leading the fight against climate change” and would achieve carbon neutrality by 2050, and pledged to “electrify the city with 100 percent clean electricity sources.”3 Today, hundreds of cities have adopted ambitious climate targets, committing to reduce fossil-fuel dependency, use more renewable energy, green their transport systems, and be more energy efficient.4 Networks of mayors and other municipal officials committed to climate action have proliferated.5 The fact that cities have positioned themselves as climate leaders is a big deal. Cities occupy just 2 percent of the Earth’s surface, but they account for more than 70 percent of CO2 emissions.6 So if cities can take the lead in reducing their emissions, then who is to argue? The benefits to the climate could be enormous. Of the many targets adopted by cities, “100 percent renewable energy” is perhaps the most important from a climate perspective. Improved energy efficiency is also essential, but it is the electrification of transport, heating, and cooling in buildings, among other things, that will be make or break for cities. By the end of 2019, more than 230 cities globally had adopted targets for 100 percent renewable electricity.7 Of the ninety-seven “megacities” currently in the C40 network, twenty-four have committed to achieving 100 percent renewable electricity by 2030.8 Many smaller cities have done the same. The Sierra Club recently reported that 170 U.S. cities have made the 100 percent commitment.9
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Pub Date : 2022-05-01DOI: 10.1177/10957960221089929
Eric Blanc
and blame the oppressed for their own situation stymies efforts to repair the damage that the continent has suffered. Repairing the damage could involve cancelation of the debt that so many African countries found imposed upon them by countries and institutions rooted in the Global North: a crackdown on illicit financial flows out of Africa, largely to North America and Europe; a withdrawal of military institutions and bases occupied by the Global North; a refusal to recognize dictatorships and coup regimes imposed upon African people; and directed development assistance based upon the actual needs of the countries themselves rather than by governments and institutions rooted in the Global North. None of this is about generosity, to be clear. None of this would be the result of abstract moralism. Rather, it is the result of conclusions derived from the sort of historical analysis offered by Walter Rodney in How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, and analyses that have been deepened by scholars ever since. While some of the facts of How Europe Underdeveloped Africa may be dated, the analysis remains timely. It also remains every bit as much of a call to action that it was in 1972 when so many U.S. African-American activists, followed by other social justice activists, found themselves glued to and inspired by its framework.
并将自己的处境归咎于被压迫者，阻碍了修复非洲大陆所遭受损害的努力。修复损害可能涉及取消许多非洲国家发现的植根于全球北方的国家和机构强加给它们的债务：打击非法资金流出非洲，主要流向北美和欧洲；撤出全球北方占领的军事机构和基地；拒绝承认强加给非洲人民的独裁政权和政变政权；并根据各国自身的实际需要而不是由植根于全球北方的政府和机构提供定向发展援助。需要明确的是，这些都与慷慨无关。这些都不是抽象道德主义的结果。相反，这是沃尔特·罗德尼（Walter Rodney）在《欧洲如何欠发达的非洲》（How Europe Underdevelopment Africa）一书中提出的那种历史分析得出的结论，以及此后学者们不断深化的分析的结果。虽然《欧洲如何欠发达的非洲》中的一些事实可能已经过时，但分析仍然及时。它仍然是1972年的行动呼吁，当时许多美国非裔美国人活动家，以及其他社会正义活动家，发现自己被其框架所束缚和激励。
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Pub Date : 2022-05-01DOI: 10.1177/10957960221089928
B. Fletcher
The Covid-19 pandemic has both illustrated and dramatized the ongoing North/South divide on planet Earth. The question of who has been able to obtain the vaccine and who has not; who is able to produce the vaccine, and who is constrained by corporate patent restrictions. It is not that people in the so-called Global North—Canada, the United States, the European Union, Japan—have been able to defy the pandemic and secure health. Within the Global North, there are stark divisions over who is able to get access to the vaccine and who is not, not to mention which populations are sickening and dying disproportionately— divisions that are particularly rooted in oppressions based on class, race, and nationality. Yet, when one looks at planet Earth, we see global patterns in the manner in which the pandemic has spread and brought disaster, patterns that date back to the fifteenth century, patterns that are rooted in slavery and colonialism and, ultimately, in the construction of so-called race and racist oppression. When one looks at such patterns, one inevitably returns to the continent of Africa. The challenges facing contemporary Africa make no sense in the absence of an analysis that digs into the slave trade, colonialism, and the arbitrary division of the continent into alleged nation-states, many of which lack the resources to stabilize and advance. In this context, there have been a myriad of opinions—I would hardly call them analyses—as to the root causes of the challenge. All too often, such opinions place the blame on the Africans themselves or simply treat the slave trade and colonialism as matters from the past which lack contemporary relevance. In the early 1970s, however, a book was published that threw down the gauntlet and challenged the apologists of colonialism and neocolonialism to look at why and how Africa found itself in the conditions that it did.
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Pub Date : 2022-05-01DOI: 10.1177/10957960221090073
I By Jeremy Brecher i I PM Press, June 2021 i ISBN-10: 1629637882 Past social movements have sometimes made rapid and unexpected changes that countered apparently incurable social problems. In I Common Preservation i , Brecher provides a tool kit for thinkers and activists while sharing his experiences and what he has learned that can help ward off mutual destruction and create new forms of common preservation. As millions of renters face down evictions and foreclosures in the midst of the Covid-19 recession, Andrew Ross reveals how ineffective government planning, property market speculation, and poverty wages have combined to create this crisis. [Extracted from the article] Copyright of New Labor Forum (Sage Publications Inc.) is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)
《我》作者Jeremy Brecher I I PM Press，2021年6月，ISBN-10:1629637882过去的社会运动有时会做出快速而意想不到的变化，以应对明显无法治愈的社会问题。在《我的共同保护》一书中，布雷彻为思想家和活动家提供了一个工具包，同时分享了他的经验和学到的东西，这有助于避免相互破坏，并创造新的共同保护形式。在新冠肺炎经济衰退期间，数百万租房者面临驱逐和取消抵押品赎回权的问题，安德鲁·罗斯揭示了无效的政府规划、房地产市场投机和贫困工资是如何共同造成这场危机的。【摘自文章】新劳工论坛（Sage Publications股份有限公司）的版权归Sage Pubiciations股份有限公司所有，未经版权持有人明确书面许可，不得将其内容复制或通过电子邮件发送到多个网站或发布到listserv。但是，用户可以打印、下载或通过电子邮件发送文章供个人使用。这可能会被删节。对复印件的准确性不作任何保证。用户应参考材料的原始发布版本以获取完整信息。（版权适用于所有人。）
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