Pub Date : 2023-08-11DOI: 10.1177/10957960231194008
Michael J. McGrorty
expect a visit from a WHD investigator, whether federal or state. The difference of course is that taxes fund the government , while the loss of wages affects only workers .
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Pub Date : 2023-08-11DOI: 10.1177/10957960231194023
J. McCartin
{"title":"The Railway Labor Act: Exhibit A in Our Outmoded System of Labor Law","authors":"J. McCartin","doi":"10.1177/10957960231194023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10957960231194023","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37142,"journal":{"name":"New Labor Forum","volume":"32 1","pages":"34 - 41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42417026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-11DOI: 10.1177/10957960231194053
P. Armstrong, H. Armstrong
{"title":"How Privatization Infects the Canadian Health Care System","authors":"P. Armstrong, H. Armstrong","doi":"10.1177/10957960231194053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10957960231194053","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37142,"journal":{"name":"New Labor Forum","volume":"32 1","pages":"42 - 49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46596754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1177/10957960231169704
E. Loomis
In the aftermath of the remarkable and unprecedented victory of the Amazon Labor Union (ALU) at a Staten Island facility on April 1, 2022, nearly the entire conversation around the American labor movement changed overnight. The ALU had defeated Amazon, one of the megaliths of the modern economy, in a union vote. No one had ever beaten Amazon. For that matter, almost no successful campaigns against any of the iconic companies of the twenty-firstcentury economy—Target, Google, Microsoft, Facebook, Uber, Walmart, or others—had succeeded. So, under any circumstances, this was front page news. What amazed almost everyone was that the ALU was an independent union movement with few resources. Almost no one believed the ALU had a shot to win this election.1 I certainly did not. The union record of even highly centralized unions winning elections against the behemoths of the twenty-first-century economy is nearly nonexistent. To say the least, I, like everyone else in the labor movement, was pleasantly surprised. The rise of the Starbucks campaign at the same time only gave more energy to a rare moment of labor movement optimism. The Starbucks campaign is nominally independent but has support from the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) behind it. As of this writing, the Starbucks Workers United has organized 278 stores, although organizing has slowed in the face of overwhelming corporate resistance from Starbucks head Howard Schulz. All of a sudden, it seems that the new era of independent, grassroots, worker-led unionism is upon us. That the ALU built itself through GoFundMe fundraising and localized events around beer and barbeque seemed even more unlikely. Where were the high-paid union lawyers, the outside organizers, the centrally planned strategy? All of these, admittedly, had not led to a lot of victories in recent years. But still, they all seemed absolutely necessary for even a preliminary victory. In the aftermath of the initial victory, there was a great deal of talk about how this was the harbinger for a new unionism, one that focused more on independent unions and less on the current unions that are big organizations, often bureaucratic, and often lacking the radical edge that many labor commenters want. To take just one example, consider the April 7, 2022, Noam Scheiber article in the New York Times about the ALU victory. It cited several labor intellectuals, writers, and activists saying that decentralized unions were not just the future but the present, criticizing established unions for their failures and calling for the labor movement to reorient itself toward an independent model.2 The great labor scholar Ruth Milkman went so far as to compare the ALU with the United Farm Workers (UFW) and the Flint Sit-Down Strike.3 In the months since the ALU’s victory, a lot about this initial optimism has aged poorly. Shortly after the first victory, the ALU suffered a blow-out defeat at a second Staten Island facility. And an election at
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Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1177/10957960231169720
Paula Prescod
It’s been three years since the brutal murder of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police in May 2020. The release and spread of the video capturing Floyd’s killing triggered a truly massive wave of protests and riots across the country. Scenes of militant confrontations with police, burning of police stations, the deployment of the National Guard and more dominated local and national news stations for weeks. For many observers and participants, it felt as if the country were on the brink of a radical movement that could mount a substantial challenge to the status quo. Today, that movement has receded, if not vanished, leaving only remnants of symbolic change. While it has become common to see major corporations pledging support of Black Lives Matter, the movement’s larger goals around police accountability have been frustrated in many areas. Political scientist Cedric Johnson’s new book, After Black Lives Matter, offers some desperately needed critical reflection of this movement. Reflecting on both the theoretical underpinnings and organizing framework of current movements against the carceral state, Johnson offers potential pathways forward toward building a broader coalition that can strike at the root of the policing crisis. In his view, the failure of Black Lives Matter to build a broader movement against police brutality rooted in political economy has produced many morbid symptoms. Johnson charges that the lack of a specific constituency and coherent program has produced an amalgam of “irresponsible brokering, hustling, foundation seeding, do-gooder delivery service.” The recent scandals involving the Black Lives Matter organization’s multi-million-dollar real estate portfolio are one indication of this. While acknowledging that the political perspectives of those under the banner of Black Lives Matter are varied, Johnson claims that any anti-capitalist politics
自2020年5月乔治·弗洛伊德被明尼阿波利斯警方残忍杀害以来，已经过去了三年。弗洛伊德被杀的视频的发布和传播在全国范围内引发了大规模的抗议和骚乱。数周以来，武装分子与警察对峙、焚烧警察局、部署国民警卫队(National Guard)等场面充斥着地方和国家新闻电台。对于许多观察人士和参与者来说，似乎这个国家正处于一场可能对现状构成重大挑战的激进运动的边缘。今天，这场运动即使没有消失，也已经消退，只留下象征性变革的残余。虽然大公司承诺支持“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)运动已经变得司空见惯，但该运动围绕警察问责制的更大目标在许多领域都遭到了挫折。政治学家塞德里克·约翰逊(Cedric Johnson)的新书《黑人的生命也很重要之后》(After Black Lives Matter)对这一运动进行了一些迫切需要的批判性反思。约翰逊反思了当前反对警察国家运动的理论基础和组织框架，提出了建立一个更广泛的联盟的潜在途径，可以从根本上解决警察危机。在他看来，“黑人的命也重要”未能建立起一场更广泛的运动，反对植根于政治经济学的警察暴行，这产生了许多病态的症状。约翰逊指责说，由于缺乏特定的选民群体和连贯的计划，导致了“不负责任的掮客、投机倒把、播撒基金、做好事的送货服务”的混合体。最近涉及“黑人的命也是命”组织数百万美元房地产投资组合的丑闻就是一个迹象。约翰逊承认，在“黑人的命也是命”的旗帜下，人们的政治观点各不相同，但他声称，任何反资本主义政治
{"title":"Toward a Broader Movement Against Policing","authors":"Paula Prescod","doi":"10.1177/10957960231169720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10957960231169720","url":null,"abstract":"It’s been three years since the brutal murder of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police in May 2020. The release and spread of the video capturing Floyd’s killing triggered a truly massive wave of protests and riots across the country. Scenes of militant confrontations with police, burning of police stations, the deployment of the National Guard and more dominated local and national news stations for weeks. For many observers and participants, it felt as if the country were on the brink of a radical movement that could mount a substantial challenge to the status quo. Today, that movement has receded, if not vanished, leaving only remnants of symbolic change. While it has become common to see major corporations pledging support of Black Lives Matter, the movement’s larger goals around police accountability have been frustrated in many areas. Political scientist Cedric Johnson’s new book, After Black Lives Matter, offers some desperately needed critical reflection of this movement. Reflecting on both the theoretical underpinnings and organizing framework of current movements against the carceral state, Johnson offers potential pathways forward toward building a broader coalition that can strike at the root of the policing crisis. In his view, the failure of Black Lives Matter to build a broader movement against police brutality rooted in political economy has produced many morbid symptoms. Johnson charges that the lack of a specific constituency and coherent program has produced an amalgam of “irresponsible brokering, hustling, foundation seeding, do-gooder delivery service.” The recent scandals involving the Black Lives Matter organization’s multi-million-dollar real estate portfolio are one indication of this. While acknowledging that the political perspectives of those under the banner of Black Lives Matter are varied, Johnson claims that any anti-capitalist politics","PeriodicalId":37142,"journal":{"name":"New Labor Forum","volume":"32 1","pages":"85 - 88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42588120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1177/10957960231172567
E. Bass
{"title":"Bringing Flowers to Salinas Valley State Prison","authors":"E. Bass","doi":"10.1177/10957960231172567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10957960231172567","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37142,"journal":{"name":"New Labor Forum","volume":"32 1","pages":"100 - 100"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45898335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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