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The African Union's Collective Security Mechanisms and the Challenge of Armed Non-State Actors 非洲联盟的集体安全机制和武装非国家行为体的挑战
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-24 DOI: 10.31920/2050-4306/2020/v9n3a5
Olumide Adetokunbo Fafore
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引用次数: 0
Editorial commentary : African Union and the quest for a new Africa 编辑评论:非洲联盟和对新非洲的追求
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-24 DOI: 10.31920/2050-4306/2020/9n3a0
J. Adibe
The African Union, which succeeded the Organisation of African Unity on July 9 2002, is often criticised for being largely a talk shop that has not markedly succeeded in either forging African unity or creating a sustainable roadmap for its political and economic development aspirations (Davis, 2019; Okhonmina, 2009) . In fact when in 1999, the Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) issued the Sirte Declaration calling for the establishment of the African Union, some critics saw it as more of a "bleaching complex" in which African Heads of States felt they would be more accepted by world leaders if their continental organisations sounded like the European Union and modelled after it (Trivedi, 2003) - but obviously without bothering whether a mere change in name would automatically imbue the new organisation with the sort of organic arrangements that helped to bind the members of the European Union together. Assessments such as the above however appear to be either too hasty or a reflection of the afro-pessimism that sometimes leads to self-doubt, self hate and even a failure to recognize the modest gains being achieved.
非洲联盟于2002年7月9日接替非洲统一组织,经常被批评为在很大程度上是一个谈话场所,在建立非洲统一或为其政治和经济发展愿望制定可持续路线图方面没有取得显著成功(Davis,2019;Okhonmina,2009年)。事实上,1999年,非洲统一组织(非统组织)的国家元首和政府首脑发表了《苏尔特宣言》,呼吁建立非洲联盟,一些批评人士认为,这更像是一种“漂白情结”,在这种情结中,非洲国家元首认为,如果他们的大陆组织听起来像欧盟,并以欧盟为蓝本,他们将更容易被世界领导人接受(Trivedi,2003),但显然没有考虑到仅仅改变名称是否会自动为新组织注入某种有机安排有助于将欧洲联盟成员国团结在一起。然而,上述评估似乎过于草率,或者反映了非洲悲观主义,这种悲观主义有时会导致自我怀疑、自我憎恨,甚至没有认识到正在取得的微薄成果。
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引用次数: 0
From Nile Basin Initiatives (NBI) to External mediator: Challenges of the Ethiopia's Renaissance Dam Negotiations 从尼罗河流域倡议(NBI)到外部调解人:埃塞俄比亚复兴大坝谈判的挑战
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-24 DOI: 10.31920/2050-4306/2020/9n3a2
Nardos Hawaz Yeheys, Xi Chen
The riparian countries, especially Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia, have had intricated relations since the building of the Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). There have been many mediations but none of Egypt's "historical", Sudan's "development" and Ethiopia's "natural" rights have ever been settled satisfactorily. Egypt and Sudan continue to state their dissatisfaction with the status quo as they rejected Ethiopia's proposal. The mediator also departed, peripheral actors apart from the Nile basin and the African Union. The US efforts to mediate in all three countries have also failed. Thus, from the Nile riparian states to external mediation, the Renaissance dam negotiations were not
自埃塞俄比亚复兴大坝(GERD)建成以来,沿岸国家,特别是埃及、苏丹和埃塞俄比亚,关系错综复杂。已经进行了多次调解,但埃及的“历史”、苏丹的“发展”和埃塞俄比亚的“自然”权利都没有得到令人满意的解决。埃及和苏丹拒绝了埃塞俄比亚的提议,继续表示对现状的不满。除了尼罗河流域和非洲联盟之外,调解人也离开了。美国在这三个国家进行斡旋的努力也都失败了。因此,从尼罗河沿岸国家到外部调解,文艺复兴时期的大坝谈判并没有
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引用次数: 1
Nepad and the struggle to improve the efficacy of Africa's public sector : a case study of Nigeria's Servicome Nepad与提高非洲公共部门效率的斗争:尼日利亚Servicome的案例研究
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-24 DOI: 10.31920/2050-4306/2020/9n3a1
Ikemefuna Taire Paul Okudolo, I. Mekoa
This paper evaluates Nigeria's Service Compact with All Nigerians (SERVICOM) policy as a derived policy of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) project to generalize the advancement of Africa's public sectors' functionality in the 21st century. The cardinal policy thrust of NEPAD, of which SERVICOM is consequentially from, is partly to ensure that the continent's public services are poised to deliver accelerated social, economic and political development, as well as ensure the facilitation of good governance. Anchored on Max Weber's bureaucratic theory, the paper notes the lack of political will to commit to purposeful public sector reforms, which undermine the realization of the SERVICOM-cum-NEPAD initiative for public sector effectiveness and efficiency. It also notes that Nigeria‘s public sectors in the 21st century have tended towards underperformance due in part to the abandonment of the tenets of Weber‘s bureaucratic theory in their operations. The paper concludes that greater politics-administration cooperation than dichotomy will improve adherence to the precepts of Weber‘s bureaucratic theory as well as the modernization of public servants through investments in training and re-training. It also concludes that the public should seek to resolutely pursue remedies for infractions by public servants rather than overlook ineffectual operational performances as a way to strengthen attainment of the SERVICOM objectives for accelerated capacity development of public servants.
本文将尼日利亚与所有尼日利亚人的服务契约(SERVICOM)政策评估为非洲发展新伙伴关系(NEPAD)项目的衍生政策,以概括21世纪非洲公共部门功能的进步。非洲发展新伙伴关系的主要政策主旨,也就是SERVICOM的前身,在一定程度上是为了确保非洲大陆的公共服务能够加速社会、经济和政治发展,并确保促进善政。该论文以马克斯·韦伯的官僚理论为基础,指出缺乏致力于有目的的公共部门改革的政治意愿,这破坏了SERVICOM兼新伙伴关系倡议对公共部门效力和效率的实现。它还指出,21世纪尼日利亚的公共部门往往表现不佳,部分原因是在运营中放弃了韦伯官僚理论的原则。本文的结论是,与二分法相比,更大的政治-行政合作将提高对韦伯官僚理论的遵守,并通过对培训和再培训的投资来实现公务员的现代化。它还得出结论,公众应坚决寻求对公务员违规行为的补救措施,而不是忽视无效的业务表现,以此来加强实现公务员制度目标,加快公务员能力发展。
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引用次数: 1
The African Union's Collective Security Mechanisms and the Challenge of Armed Non-State Actors 非洲联盟的集体安全机制与非国家武装行为者的挑战
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-24 DOI: 10.31920/2050-4306/2020/9n3a5
O. Fafore
The African Union has since its establishment in 2001 adopted the principle of collective security in response to the several security challenges on the continent, including terrorism, increasing insecurity, proliferation of arms, political instability among others. Apart from the stipulations of the constitutive Act of the African Union which represents a departure from the nonintervention principles of the Organisation of African Union, the African Union is also collaborating with the United Nations on peacekeeping operations in Africa. This paper, using literary discourses on peace and security in Africa as a point of analysis, argues that the major challenge to the African Union's collective security mechanisms is the activities of armed non-state actors. This paper also reviews the impact of armed non-state actors on peace and security in Africa.The objective of this paper is to examine the African Union's collective security mechanisms and identify lessons for combating the challenges of armed non-state actors in Africa.
非洲联盟自2001年成立以来,通过了集体安全原则,以应对非洲大陆的一些安全挑战,包括恐怖主义、日益不安全、武器扩散、政治不稳定等。除了背离非洲联盟组织不干涉原则的《非洲联盟组织法》的规定外,非洲联盟还在非洲维和行动方面与联合国合作。本文以关于非洲和平与安全的文学论述为分析点,认为非洲联盟集体安全机制面临的主要挑战是非国家武装行为者的活动。本文还回顾了非国家武装行为者对非洲和平与安全的影响。本文的目的是审查非洲联盟的集体安全机制,并确定应对非洲非国家武装行动者挑战的经验教训。
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引用次数: 0
Obstacles to the African Solutions Approach: Can the African Union Realize a Peaceful and Secure Africa? 非洲解决方案的障碍:非洲联盟能否实现一个和平与安全的非洲?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-24 DOI: 10.31920/2050-4306/2020/9n3a4
B. D. Gardachew
This study explores the major constraints the African Union faces in its peace support operations in Sudan (Darfur) and Somalia. Identifying and understanding these hindrances provide lessons for the regional and international stakeholders that are planning to undertake future peace operations on the continent. The study closely examines why the African Mission in Sudan (AMIS) and the African Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) were constrained in their attempts to find durable peace in Darfur and Somalia, respectively. The selection of these cases was motivated by different factors. In the first place, both countries have had to deal with protracted internal conflict. In addition, both countries are glaring examples of AU's comprehensive peace support operations. The data that inform the study were collected from a synthesis of the rich body of literature and personal interviews with purposively selected officials and experts on the issue under investigation. The study contends that given the limited financing from AU member states, weak military capacity, and division among member states over intervention, achieving the ambitious objective of African solutions to African problems will remains impossible for the foreseeable future.
本研究探讨了非洲联盟在苏丹(达尔富尔)和索马里的和平支持行动中面临的主要制约因素。确定和了解这些障碍为计划今后在非洲大陆开展和平行动的区域和国际利益攸关方提供了经验教训。这项研究仔细研究了为什么非洲驻苏丹特派团(非盟特派团)和非洲驻索马里特派团(非盟特派团)分别在达尔富尔和索马里寻求持久和平的努力受到限制。这些案例的选择是由不同的因素驱动的。首先,两国都不得不应对旷日持久的内部冲突。此外,这两个国家都是非盟全面支持和平行动的突出例子。为研究提供信息的数据是综合了丰富的文献资料和对有目的选定的官员和专家就调查中的问题进行的个人访谈而收集的。该研究认为,鉴于非盟成员国提供的资金有限,军事能力薄弱,以及成员国之间对干预的分歧,在可预见的未来,实现非洲解决非洲问题的雄心勃勃的目标仍然是不可能的。
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引用次数: 0
The United Nations, International Criminal Court and African Union's Delayed Response to the Prolonged Dictatorship in Sudan 联合国、国际刑事法院和非洲联盟对苏丹长期独裁的迟缓反应
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-24 DOI: 10.31920/2050-4306/2020/v9n3a3
Makhura Benjamin Rapanyane, Florence Ramasela Sethole, Happy Mathew Tirivangasi
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引用次数: 0
Obstacles to the African Solutions Approach: Can the African Union Realize a Peaceful and Secure Africa? 非洲解决方案的障碍:非洲联盟能否实现一个和平与安全的非洲?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-24 DOI: 10.31920/2050-4306/2020/v9n3a4
Bewuketu Dires Gardachew
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引用次数: 0
The United Nations, International Criminal Court and African Union's Delayed Response to the Prolonged Dictatorship in Sudan 联合国、国际刑事法院和非洲联盟对苏丹长期独裁的延迟反应
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-24 DOI: 10.31920/2050-4306/2020/9n3a3
M. Rapanyane, F. R. Sethole, H. M. Tirivangasi
This article explores the delayed responses of international and continental bodies in safeguarding the human rights of the people of Sudan. The central question grappled with in this article is: how effective were the international and continental peacekeeping, security, and human rights bodies in dealing with Sudanese cases of genocide, war crimes, crime against humanity and ethnic cleansing? The existing body of knowledge on this subject lacks a clear explanation of why Omar Al Bashir remained in power for such a long period of time in Sudan without any international or continental effective responses when he violated fundamental human rights. As such, this article aims to contribute to the existing body of knowledge by filling the knowledge gap identified. We argue that the international and continental peacekeeping, security, and human rights bodies delayed dismally in engaging the monocratic al-Bashir until the Sudanese army overthrew him. This article relied heavily on the qualitative research approach in the form of document and thematic content analysis to analyse the key themes and answer the central question.
本文探讨了国际和大陆机构在保障苏丹人民人权方面的滞后反应。本文要解决的中心问题是:国际和大陆的维和、安全和人权机构在处理苏丹的种族灭绝、战争罪、危害人类罪和种族清洗案件方面的效率如何?关于这一问题的现有知识体系无法明确解释,为什么奥马尔·巴希尔在侵犯基本人权的情况下,在苏丹掌权这么长时间却没有得到任何国际或大陆的有效回应。因此,本文旨在通过填补所确定的知识空白,为现有的知识体系做出贡献。我们认为,国际和大陆的维和、安全和人权机构在与独裁的巴希尔接触方面拖延了很长时间,直到苏丹军队推翻了他。本文主要依靠定性研究方法,以文献和专题内容分析的形式来分析关键主题,回答中心问题。
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引用次数: 2
Monetary union in SADC, evidence from panel-ARDL co-integration of public debt and budget deficit : lessons for the African Union 南部非洲发展共同体的货币联盟,来自公共债务和预算赤字的面板- ardl协整的证据:给非洲联盟的教训
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-08-15 DOI: 10.31920/2050-4306/2020/9n2a6
Ephrem Habtemichael Redda
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of African Union Studies
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