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Bios Theōrētikos, Bios Politikos
Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.5422/fordham/9780823289929.003.0002
Geoffrey Bennington
The difficult relation of politics and philosophy has most often been negotiated with reference to the distinction between the bios theōrētikos and the bios politiōs. It is argued that this opposition is unstable from Aristotle onwards, and that effects of that instability can be read throughout the tradition, through Kant and Hegel, up to and including Hannah Arendt and John Rawls, Jacques Ranciere, Alain Badiou, Giorgio Agamben and Hardt & Negri. The instability of that distinction calls for a deconstructive rather than a dialectical understanding of difference.
政治和哲学之间的困难关系通常是通过区分bios theōrētikos和bios politiōs来讨论的。有人认为,这种对立从亚里士多德开始就不稳定,这种不稳定的影响可以贯穿整个传统,从康德和黑格尔,一直到包括汉娜·阿伦特和约翰·罗尔斯,雅克·朗西埃,阿兰·巴迪欧,乔治·阿甘本和哈特与内格里。这种区别的不稳定性要求对差异进行解构性的理解,而不是辩证的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.1515/9780823289950-007
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引用次数: 0
Back Matter 回到问题
Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv119918b.18
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引用次数: 0
Stasiology (Rothaug, Peterson, Schmitt, Gregory of Nazianzus) Stasiology (Rothaug, Peterson, Schmitt, Gregory of Nazianzus)
Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv119918b.15
Geoffrey Bennington
Beginning with a curious invocation of our line from Homer by one of the defendants at the so-called “Justices Trial” at Nuremberg, the chapter analyses the famous exchange over “political theology” between Carl Schmitt and Erik Peterson. The inconsistencies of Peterson’s argument are brought out, and attention is drawn to the importance of the use he makes in establishing the supposed impossiblity of a Christian political theology of a quotation about the Trinity from Gregory of Nazianzus. Schmitt’s own claim as to a “stasiology” at the heart of the doctrine of the Trinity, that would support the thought of a political theology of Christianity, is shown to rely on an egregious misreading of Gregory’s text, but doubt is nonetheless cast on the ability of that doctrine successfully to solve the problems associated with the self-destructive properties of the One, as more clearly brought out by Derrida.
在纽伦堡所谓的“法官审判”中,一名被告奇怪地引用了荷马的诗句,这一章开始分析了卡尔·施密特和埃里克·彼得森之间关于“政治神学”的著名交流。彼得森的论点的不一致之处被提出,并被注意到他在建立基督教政治神学的不可能性时所使用的重要性,引用了纳齐安祖的格列高利关于三位一体的引文。施密特自己宣称的三位一体教义的核心是“stasiology”,这将支持基督教政治神学的思想,但事实证明,这是基于对格列高利文本的严重误读,尽管如此,人们还是怀疑这一教义能否成功解决与“一”的自我毁灭特性相关的问题,德里达更清楚地提出了这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Polykoiranie IV (Bodin, La Boétie) Polykoiranie IV (Bodin, La boetia)
Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv119918b.10
Geoffrey Bennington
The line from Homer appears saliently in two famous 1570 texts, by Jean Bodin and Etienne de la Boétie respectively. It is shown how Bodin’s supposedly modern conception of sovereignty inherits aporias Scatter 2 has been following since Aristotle, and how the paradoxical prerogative to both make and break the law makes it impossible rigorously to discern monarchy from tyranny. La Boétie’s commentary on the line from Homer, and his general attempt to argue “against one,” is shown to lead to a complex and aporetical account on the edge of political space, in which the concepts of nature and of the One increasingly escape La Boétie’s conceptual grasp.
荷马的这句话在1570年的两篇著名文章中都有明显的出现,分别是由Jean Bodin和Etienne de la bosamtie写的。它展示了博丹所谓的现代主权概念是如何继承自亚里士多德以来一直遵循的aporias Scatter 2,以及制定和破坏法律的矛盾特权如何使得严格区分君主制和暴政变得不可能。La bosamtie对荷马诗句的评论,以及他对“反对一”的一般尝试,被证明导致了对政治空间边缘的复杂和无目的性的描述,其中自然和“一”的概念越来越脱离了La bosamtie的概念把握。
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引用次数: 0
INDEX 指数
Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv119918b.17
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引用次数: 0
Nature, Sovereignty, Government (Spinoza, Rousseau) 自然、主权、政府(斯宾诺莎、卢梭)
Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv119918b.14
Geoffrey Bennington
In Hobbes’s wake, Spinoza is shown to demonstrate an affinity between democracy and the immediately pre-political state of nature and is credited with an insight into the essentially failing structure of sovereignty in general. After a brief analysis of Kant, the importance of the transitional moment from nature to politics is pursued in Rousseau, who explicitly brings out the implication of language in this transition. Rousseau’s own notion of sovereignty as inherently collective is explored, and it is shown that that sovereignty must rely on at least two originary supplements in order to have a chance of being in fact sovereign. The first supplement, the legislator, has been discussed at length elsewhere: this chapter focuses on the second, namely government, and it is again stressed that the formation of any government in Rousseau’s account again involves a moment of proto-democracy. It is shown how in Rousseau this government, without which the sovereign would not be sovereign, inevitably ends up usurping the sovereignty it supposedly allows for and supports.
在霍布斯之后,斯宾诺莎展示了民主与自然的前政治状态之间的密切关系,并被认为是对主权本质上失败的结构的洞察。在对康德的简要分析之后,卢梭追求从自然到政治的过渡时刻的重要性,他明确地提出了语言在这一过渡中的含义。本文探讨了卢梭关于主权本质上是集体的概念,并表明主权必须至少依赖于两个原始的补充,才能有机会成为真正的主权。第一个补充,立法者,已经在其他地方进行了详细的讨论:本章着重于第二个,即政府,并且再次强调,卢梭的描述中任何政府的形成都涉及到原始民主的时刻。在卢梭看来,这个政府,没有它,君主就不能成为君主,最终不可避免地篡夺了它所允许和支持的主权。
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引用次数: 0
Protodemocracy and the Fall of Sovereignty (Hobbes, Aristotle) 原始民主与主权的衰落(霍布斯、亚里士多德)
Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv119918b.13
Geoffrey Bennington
A close reading of Hobbes stresses the latter’s recognition of a democratic or proto-democratic moment at the root of the political, at the aporetic moment of transition from the state of nature to the political state. This rather effaced priority of democracy sits uneasily with Hobbes’s deep suspicion of it, and its constant association in his work with rhetoric and oratory. A reading of Hobbes’s language theory in light of Aristotle’s distinction between phonè and logos shows how this rhetorical dimension of language is in fact irreducible (and indeed exuberantly exploited in Hobbes’s own writing), and how, especially in Hobbes’s elaborate and fascinating discussion of counsel, it relates to the structural failing both of the sovereignty Hobbes is concerned to defend and of the models of reading he promotes in the Leviathan.
仔细阅读霍布斯就会发现,后者承认,民主或原始民主的时刻,是政治的根源,是从自然状态过渡到政治状态的关键时刻。这种被抹去的民主优先地位,与霍布斯对民主的深刻怀疑,以及在他的著作中与修辞和演讲术的不断联系,格格不入。根据亚里士多德对phonè和逻各斯的区分来解读霍布斯的语言理论,就会发现语言的修辞维度实际上是不可简化的(在霍布斯自己的作品中也被充分利用),尤其是在霍布斯对法律的详尽而迷人的讨论中,它是如何与霍布斯所要捍卫的主权和他在《利维坦》中提倡的阅读模式的结构性失败联系在一起的。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy (Arendt, Aristotle) 民主(阿伦特、亚里士多德)
Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv119918b.12
Geoffrey Bennington
Aristotle’s recognition of an irreducible plurality in politics is pursued initially in the context of his effaced recognition of the issue of sexual difference, as ambiguously retrieved for political thinking in Hannah Arendt. More generally, the complexities of Aristotle’s account of democracy as the least bad of “deviant” regimes is shown to lead to a more affirmative view of democracy once it is established that all political regimes are in a certain sense “deviant.” Aristotle’s own attempt to master the potential excess of democracy by appealing to the notion of the “mean” is shown to be incoherent, and his account of an extreme form of democracy as collapsing into anarchy is retrieved as an insight into the potentially catastrophic effects of trying to think democracy in teleological terms.
亚里士多德对政治中不可简化的多元性的认识,最初是在他对性别差异问题的模糊认识的背景下进行的,这在汉娜·阿伦特的政治思想中是模糊的。更一般地说,亚里士多德将民主描述为最不坏的“越轨”政体的复杂性,显示出一旦所有政治政体在某种意义上都是“越轨”,就会导致对民主的更肯定的看法。亚里士多德自己试图通过诉诸“中庸”的概念来掌握民主的潜在过剩,这被证明是不连贯的,他对民主的极端形式崩溃为无政府状态的描述,被认为是对试图以目的论的方式思考民主的潜在灾难性影响的洞察。
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引用次数: 0
INTRODUCTION: 作品简介:
Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv119918b.5
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引用次数: 0
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