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Akira and the Tokyo Olympics in 1964 and 2020/21: Reading the games through manga and anime—reading manga and anime through the games 《明与1964年东京奥运会》和《2020/21年东京奥运会》:通过漫画和动画解读奥运会——通过漫画和动画解读奥运会
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2023.2168840
C. Tagsold
ABSTRACT When the manga series Akira appeared in 1982, it quickly became a bestseller, and the 1988 anime version strongly reinforced its popularity. Ōtomo Katsuhiro depicted the dark cityscape of Neo-Tokyo compellingly. However, until now, interpretations mainly focussed on Akira as a prime example of the cyberpunk genre. Yet, the story also revolves around the preparations for a renewed Olympics, celebrating the rebirth of Tokyo. By referencing the 1964 Games, Ōtomo paints a highly critical image of the first Tokyo Olympics, reflecting the mood of the early 1980s, when citizens vehemently opposed plans to host the Olympics in Nagoya. Ōtomo primarily employs some of the 1964 architecture to link Akira to the first Tokyo Olympics. For example, the Temple of Lady Miyako replicates Tange Kenzō's National Gymnasia next to the Meiji Shrine. Together with the new venue for the (Akira) Olympics in 2020, the Temple is one of the main action scenes, indicating that a spatial reading of the manga can yield fresh interpretations. Nevertheless, Akira's critical stance toward the Olympics did not prevent Ōtomo from contributing to the original plan for the 2020 Olympic opening ceremony, which featured characters from Akira to harness its popularity for the global Cool Japan factor. For these reasons, analyzing Akira's various Olympic dimensions help us better understand Japan's entanglement with this sports mega-event over the last decades. At the same time, a thorough Olympic reading of Akira is long overdue.
摘要1982年,《秋叶》系列漫画问世,迅速成为畅销书,1988年的动漫版更是让它大受欢迎。Ōtomo Katsuhiro有力地描绘了新东京黑暗的城市景观。然而,到目前为止,人们对阿基拉的解读主要集中在赛博朋克流派的一个典型例子上。然而,这个故事也围绕着重新举办奥运会的准备工作展开,庆祝东京的复兴。通过引用1964年奥运会,Ōtomo描绘了第一届东京奥运会的高度批判性形象,反映了20世纪80年代初的情绪,当时市民强烈反对在名古屋举办奥运会的计划。Ōtomo主要采用了1964年的一些建筑,将Akira与第一届东京奥运会联系起来。例如,宫古夫人庙复制了明治神宫旁边的丹戈贤士国立体育馆。与2020年(秋原)奥运会的新场地一起,寺庙是主要的动作场景之一,这表明对漫画的空间阅读可以产生新的解读。尽管如此,Akira对奥运会的批评立场并没有阻止Ōtomo为2020年奥运会开幕式的最初计划做出贡献,开幕式上有Akira的角色,以利用其在全球酷日本因素中的人气。出于这些原因,分析秋叶的各种奥运维度有助于我们更好地理解日本在过去几十年中与这一体育盛事的纠缠。与此同时,早就应该对阿基拉进行一次全面的奥运解读了。
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引用次数: 0
Message from the editor-in-chief 总编辑寄语
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2023.2175424
F. Waldenberger
Dear reader, Mega-events draw international attention. They also provide a prism or lens through which social, political and economic conditions and structures of the host nation become diffracted and more clearly visible. The Tokyo 2020–21 Olympic and Paralympic Games were no exception. Asked about what we associate with the games today, most of us will probably mention the COVID-19 pandemic. The games fell twice victim to the pandemic, first in 2020, when the mega-event had to be postponed, and second in 2021, when it was finally held without on-site spectators. For people living in Tokyo, it was a surreal experience. The games were shielded from them. They were turned into a pure media event. The pandemic changed Japan’s early enthusiasm for the games into opposition. Had there been a referendum, Tokyo 2020 might have been called off. But in the end, the Japanese and Tokyo metropolitan governments had to surrender to their contractual obligations dictated by the IOC. The research papers collected in this special issue look back from very different, but mostly critical angles: the planning phase of the games in the context of Tokyo’s urban development strategy; the rituals surrounding the games, the narratives created by them and their impact on the how the event will be remembered; the political polarization created by holding the event as seen in online communication channels; anti-Olympic activism in the context of Japan’s recent history of political protests; the ambiguous attitudes towards both the 1964 and the 2020 games as seen through the manga Akira and its creator Ōtomo Katsuhiro. Two articles attempt to explicitly evaluate the games. The first assesses success and failure by looking at various evaluation criteria and by examining different stakeholder groups. The second paper portrays the event as a manifestation of “capitalist realism” driven by financial interests. The research papers are complemented by two short commentaries, which point to various negative news surrounding the games including corruption charges. Again, this issue also contains book reviews. The topics of the four reviewed publications cover Japan’s earthquake resilience, coral reef conservation in Okinawa, and regional revitalization through urban-rural migration, entrepreneurship and internationalization. Let me finish with a positive note on the development of our journal. The journal continues to be accessible through more than 2,600 institutions via subscriptions and
亲爱的读者,大型活动吸引了国际关注。它们还提供了一个棱镜或透镜,通过这个棱镜,东道国的社会、政治和经济状况和结构变得更加清晰可见。2020-21年东京奥运会和残奥会也不例外。当被问及我们今天会联想到什么时,我们大多数人可能会提到COVID-19大流行。奥运会两次成为疫情的受害者,第一次是在2020年,当时这项大型赛事不得不推迟,第二次是在2021年,当时它最终在没有现场观众的情况下举行。对于住在东京的人来说,这是一种超现实的体验。游戏被屏蔽在他们的视线之外。它们变成了纯粹的媒体事件。疫情让日本人从最初对奥运会的热情变成了反对。如果举行全民公投,2020年东京奥运会可能会取消。但最终,日本和东京都政府不得不屈服于国际奥委会规定的合同义务。本期特刊收集的研究论文从非常不同的角度回顾,但大多是关键的角度:在东京城市发展战略的背景下,奥运会的规划阶段;围绕着奥运会的仪式、它们所创造的故事以及它们对人们如何记住奥运会的影响;从网络传播渠道来看,举办活动所造成的政治两极分化;在日本近期政治抗议历史背景下的反奥运激进主义;通过漫画《明》及其创作者Ōtomo胜宏,人们对1964年奥运会和2020年奥运会的暧昧态度。有两篇文章试图明确地评价这些游戏。第一种方法通过查看各种评估标准和检查不同的利益相关者群体来评估成功和失败。第二篇论文将这一事件描述为由金融利益驱动的“资本主义现实主义”的表现。研究报告附有两篇简短的评论,其中指出了围绕奥运会的各种负面新闻,包括腐败指控。同样,这一期也包含书评。经过审查的四份出版物的主题包括日本的地震复原力、冲绳的珊瑚礁保护以及通过城乡移民、企业家精神和国际化实现区域振兴。最后,让我对我们杂志的发展做一个积极的评价。2600多家机构仍可通过订阅和订阅方式获取该期刊
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引用次数: 0
The 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games and the removal of migrants 2020年东京奥运会与移民迁移
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2023.2168838
Toake Endoh
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引用次数: 0
Protesting legacies: Anti-Olympic movements in Japan before and after Tokyo 2020/1 抗议遗产:2020/1东京奥运会前后日本的反奥运运动
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2023.2171953
Sonja Ganseforth
ABSTRACT The Olympic and Paralympic Summer Games in Tokyo in 2021 will be remembered as the first Olympics to be postponed and held without in-person spectators during a global pandemic. The mega-event was also highly unpopular among the Japanese population in the weeks before the opening, but only a limited, yet consistent group of activists took to the streets to protest against it. Drawing on insights from ethnographic fieldwork at numerous protest events in Tokyo in the years 2019–2022, I analyze how the legacies of Tokyo 2020/1 are contested and evaluated from the activists’ perspective and what the implications are for the future of their activism and public protest in Japan in general. What are the legacies of Tokyo 2020/1 for Japanese social movements? Many of the activists’ more radical criticisms seem to lack connectivity with the wider public, which still maintains a safe distance to mass demonstrations. This alienation is likely exacerbated by the criminalizing effect of performative police repressions during demonstrations, legal prosecution of activists, and a lack of (fair) representation of protests in mainstream media. Therefore, I conclude that we cannot yet consider anti-Olympic activism the beginning of a new protest cycle in Japan. Nevertheless, it follows a resurgence of other protests in recent years against nuclear power, securitization, nationalism, and militarist policies. Its burgeoning transnational connections might lay the foundational groundwork for Japanese activist linkages with larger global movements that share similar concerns surrounding capitalist exploitation of humans and nature, climate crisis, and planetary environmental breakdown.
摘要2021年在东京举行的夏季奥运会和残奥会将被铭记为全球疫情期间第一届在没有现场观众的情况下延期举行的奥运会。开幕前几周,这场大型活动在日本民众中也极不受欢迎,但只有有限但始终如一的活动人士走上街头抗议。根据2019年至2022年东京众多抗议活动的民族志实地调查的见解,我从活动家的角度分析了2020/1年东京奥运会的遗产是如何被质疑和评估的,以及这对他们的激进主义和日本公众抗议的未来有什么影响。2020/1东京奥运会给日本社会运动留下了哪些遗产?许多活动人士更激进的批评似乎与更广泛的公众缺乏联系,而公众仍然与大规模示威保持着安全距离。示威期间警察的表演性镇压、对活动人士的法律起诉以及主流媒体对抗议活动缺乏(公平)的报道,可能会加剧这种疏离感。因此,我的结论是,我们还不能将反奥运活动视为日本新抗议周期的开始。尽管如此,近年来,反对核能、证券化、民族主义和军国主义政策的其他抗议活动死灰复燃。其蓬勃发展的跨国联系可能为日本活动家与更大规模的全球运动的联系奠定基础,这些运动对资本主义剥削人类和自然、气候危机和全球环境崩溃有着类似的担忧。
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引用次数: 0
The Tokyo 2020 Olympics: From a “safe pair of hands” to a corrupt pair of claws 2020年东京奥运会:从一双“安全的手”到一双腐败的爪子
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2023.2168836
Jules Boykoff
The 2020 Tokyo Olympics demonstrated to the world that the Games are not too big to fail; instead, they may be too big to succeed, especially during a public-health pandemic. Tokyo bidders promised they’d be a “safe pair of hands” for the Games. However, the Olympics brought astronomical costs, greenwashing, displacement, security militarization, and corruption – problems that have become endemic to the Games in general. Tokyo 2020 was originally slated to cost $7.3 billion, but the price tag escalated to approximately four times that, according to a government audit in Japan. Postponement added billions more, bringing the total to around $30 billion. The Games created space for local developers to leverage the Olympic state of exception to relax longtime height restrictions on building in the neighborhood around the National Stadium, thereby prying open urban terrain for well-positioned developers. Games organizers also generated credible allegations of greenwashing: publicly displaying concern for the environment while in actuality doing the bare minimum, if anything, to make material ecological improvements. Tokyo 2020 boosters coined a “Recovery Olympics” mantra, vowing the Games would supercharge Fukushima’s rejuvenation after it was struck by the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear meltdown. The Tokyo Olympics incentivized a rushed process to return residents to Fukushima, regardless of public-health perils for the local population. Kowata Masumi, an elected official in Fukushima Prefecture’s Okuma Town, said Olympic construction actually slowed down Fukushima’s recovery. She stated in 2019, “The nuclear radiation is still very high. Only one small section is being cleaned. The wider region is still an evacuation zone. There is still radiation in the area. Meanwhile, we’re [hosting] the Olympics.” Before the Games started, social critic Koide Hiroaki framed the situation in clear moral terms: “The Tokyo Olympics will take place in a state of nuclear emergency. Those countries and people who participate will, on the one hand, themselves risk exposure, and, on the other, become accomplices to the crimes of this nation.” While Fukushima residents were encouraged to return to potentially unsafe spaces, the Olympics also displaced Tokyo inhabitants from their communities. The aforementioned change in zoning laws cleared a political path for the elimination of public housing units. More specifically, residents from the Kasumigaoka apartment complex, which sat in the
2020年东京奥运会向世界证明,奥运会不会大到不能倒;相反,它们可能太大而无法成功,尤其是在公共卫生疫情期间。东京申办者承诺,他们将成为奥运会的“安全之手”。然而,奥运会带来了天文数字的成本、绿色清洗、流离失所、安全军事化和腐败——这些问题已成为奥运会普遍存在的问题。根据日本政府的审计,2020年东京奥运会原定耗资73亿美元,但价格上涨至约四倍。延期又增加了数十亿美元,使总额达到约300亿美元。奥运会为当地开发商创造了空间,他们可以利用奥运会的例外状态,放松对国家体育场周围社区建筑的长期高度限制,从而为处于有利地位的开发商窥探开放的城市地形。奥运会组织者还提出了可信的“洗绿”指控:公开表示对环境的关注,而实际上,如果有什么不同的话,那就是尽可能少地改善物质生态。2020年东京奥运会的支持者们创造了一个“恢复奥运会”的口号,发誓奥运会将推动福岛在2011年东日本大地震、海啸和核熔毁后的复兴。东京奥运会鼓励人们不顾当地民众的公共健康风险,匆忙将居民送回福岛。福岛县大沼镇的民选官员Kowata Masumi表示,奥运会的建设实际上减缓了福岛的复苏。她在2019年表示,“核辐射仍然很高。只有一小部分正在清理。更大的区域仍然是疏散区。该地区仍然有辐射。与此同时,我们正在举办奥运会。”在奥运会开始之前,社会评论家广木光德(Koide Hiroaki)用明确的道德术语描述了这种情况:“东京奥运会将在核紧急状态下举行。一方面,那些参加奥运会的国家和人民将面临暴露风险,另一方面,他们将成为这个国家罪行的帮凶。”,奥运会也使东京居民背井离乡。上述分区法的修改为取消公共住房单元扫清了政治道路。更具体地说,Kasumigaoka公寓楼的居民
{"title":"The Tokyo 2020 Olympics: From a “safe pair of hands” to a corrupt pair of claws","authors":"Jules Boykoff","doi":"10.1080/18692729.2023.2168836","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18692729.2023.2168836","url":null,"abstract":"The 2020 Tokyo Olympics demonstrated to the world that the Games are not too big to fail; instead, they may be too big to succeed, especially during a public-health pandemic. Tokyo bidders promised they’d be a “safe pair of hands” for the Games. However, the Olympics brought astronomical costs, greenwashing, displacement, security militarization, and corruption – problems that have become endemic to the Games in general. Tokyo 2020 was originally slated to cost $7.3 billion, but the price tag escalated to approximately four times that, according to a government audit in Japan. Postponement added billions more, bringing the total to around $30 billion. The Games created space for local developers to leverage the Olympic state of exception to relax longtime height restrictions on building in the neighborhood around the National Stadium, thereby prying open urban terrain for well-positioned developers. Games organizers also generated credible allegations of greenwashing: publicly displaying concern for the environment while in actuality doing the bare minimum, if anything, to make material ecological improvements. Tokyo 2020 boosters coined a “Recovery Olympics” mantra, vowing the Games would supercharge Fukushima’s rejuvenation after it was struck by the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear meltdown. The Tokyo Olympics incentivized a rushed process to return residents to Fukushima, regardless of public-health perils for the local population. Kowata Masumi, an elected official in Fukushima Prefecture’s Okuma Town, said Olympic construction actually slowed down Fukushima’s recovery. She stated in 2019, “The nuclear radiation is still very high. Only one small section is being cleaned. The wider region is still an evacuation zone. There is still radiation in the area. Meanwhile, we’re [hosting] the Olympics.” Before the Games started, social critic Koide Hiroaki framed the situation in clear moral terms: “The Tokyo Olympics will take place in a state of nuclear emergency. Those countries and people who participate will, on the one hand, themselves risk exposure, and, on the other, become accomplices to the crimes of this nation.” While Fukushima residents were encouraged to return to potentially unsafe spaces, the Olympics also displaced Tokyo inhabitants from their communities. The aforementioned change in zoning laws cleared a political path for the elimination of public housing units. More specifically, residents from the Kasumigaoka apartment complex, which sat in the","PeriodicalId":37204,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Japan","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49395008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The 2020/2021 Tokyo Olympics: Does Japan get the gold medal or the wooden spoon? 2020/2021年东京奥运会:日本获得金牌还是木勺?
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2023.2169819
P. O'Shea, S. Maslow
ABSTRACT The Tokyo 2020/2021 Olympics will go down in history as the 'Pandemic Games'. Postponed by a year due to Covid-19, they were eventually held despite broad public protest and amidst the Delta variant wave. Japan brought home a record haul of medals, yet Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide resigned in ignominy shortly after the Games ended. So, was Tokyo 2020/2021 a 'success' or a 'failure', and for whom? We examine the policy and politics of the Games, considering the attribution of 'success' and 'failure' to the Olympics across a range of issues, actors, and narratives. Reviewing their economic, public health, soft power, and political impact, we find that the Tokyo 2020/2021 Olympics remain deeply ambiguous. Prime Minister Abe Shinzō’s vision of a proud, 'reborn' Japan showcasing itself to the world obviously did not come to pass; neither did the promise of a 'Recovery Olympics' aiding in the reconstruction of the post-3/11 Tohoku region. Conversely, the predictions of a COVID-19 catastrophe, of even an 'Olympic variant', also failed to transpire. Rather, the Olympics became a pared-down event forced through by vested interests, notably the IOC and Dentsu. The political fallout was contained by one-party dominance in Japan’s democracy, where even a forced mega-event during a pandemic was insufficient to threaten the Liberal Democratic Party’s stranglehold on power.
摘要2020/2021年东京奥运会将作为“流行病运动会”载入史册。由于新冠肺炎推迟了一年,尽管公众广泛抗议,在德尔塔变异浪潮中,他们最终还是举行了。日本带回了创纪录的奖牌,但首相菅义伟在奥运会结束后不久就可耻地辞职了。那么,2020/2021年东京奥运会是“成功”还是“失败”,对谁来说?我们研究了奥运会的政策和政治,考虑了一系列问题、参与者和叙事对奥运会“成功”和“失败”的归因。回顾其经济、公共卫生、软实力和政治影响,我们发现2020/2021年东京奥运会仍然模糊不清。日本首相安倍晋三(Abe Shinzō)关于一个自豪、“重生”的日本向世界展示自己的愿景显然没有实现;“复兴奥运会”的承诺也没有帮助重建3/11后的东北地区。相反,新冠肺炎灾难的预测,甚至“奥运变种”的预测也未能实现。相反,奥运会变成了既得利益者(尤其是国际奥委会和电通)强迫举办的精简赛事。一党在日本民主中的主导地位遏制了政治影响,即使在疫情期间举行一场强制性的大型活动,也不足以威胁自民党对权力的控制。
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引用次数: 0
The capitalist realism of the 2020 Tokyo Olympic games 2020年东京奥运会的资本主义现实主义
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2023.2171717
Yoshifusa Ichii
ABSTRACT This article explores how the International Olympic Committee (IOC) prioritised the hosting of the Olympic Games during the COVID-19 pandemic. Without doubt, the prioritisation of hosting the Olympic Games during the pandemic here substantiates what literary critic Mark Fisher has called 'capitalist realism'. This concept refers to a worldview that holds that there is no other way than capitalism for the society in which we live. I argue that the Olympic Games are a symbol of capitalist realism. To make this argument, I first summarize Fisher’s concept of capitalist realism and Jules Boykoff’s (2020) arguments that the Olympic Industry is first and foremost about perpetuating capitalism in the form of ‘celebration capitalism’. Following this, I describe how a 'new lifestyle’ or ‘new normal' has been imposed by the state and used to create a setting for holding the postponed Olympics in its entirely 'perfect form'. Next, I discuss the role of neoliberalism in facilitating a paradoxical relationship between the state and private industry. Building from this, I suggest that the relationship between new ways of life, celebration capitalism and neoliberalism is a constitutive part of capitalist realism aimed at ensuring the rule of capital at any cost, as demonstrated by the IOC's running of the Olympics despite the COVID-19 epidemic. At the same time, the running the Games also empowered the Japanese government to create a state of exception that enables them to pursue economic and political goals with unprecedented freedom by simultaneously circumscribing the freedom of its citizens.
本文探讨了国际奥委会(IOC)在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间如何优先举办奥运会。毫无疑问,在疫情期间优先举办奥运会证实了文学评论家马克·费舍尔所说的“资本主义现实主义”。这个概念指的是一种世界观,认为除了资本主义,我们生活的社会没有其他出路。我认为奥运会是资本主义现实主义的象征。为了提出这一论点,我首先总结了Fisher的资本主义现实主义概念和Jules Boykoff(2020)的观点,即奥林匹克产业首先是关于以“庆祝资本主义”的形式使资本主义永续下去。接下来,我描述了一种“新生活方式”或“新常态”是如何被国家强加的,并被用来为推迟举办的奥运会创造一个完全“完美的形式”。接下来,我将讨论新自由主义在促进国家和私营企业之间矛盾关系中的作用。基于此,我认为,新生活方式、庆祝资本主义和新自由主义之间的关系是资本主义现实主义的组成部分,其目的是不惜一切代价确保资本的统治,正如国际奥委会在2019冠状病毒病流行的情况下举办奥运会所证明的那样。与此同时,举办奥运会也赋予了日本政府创造一种例外状态的权力,使他们能够以前所未有的自由追求经济和政治目标,同时限制其公民的自由。
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引用次数: 0
Tokyo Olympics 2020: Between dream and contention 2020年东京奥运会:在梦想和竞争之间
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2023.2195312
David Chiavacci, Iris Wieczorek
ABSTRACT What was and what will remain of the Tokyo 2020/2021 Olympic and Paralympic Games? This special issue brings together assessments from different perspectives regarding diverse aspects of the impact and legacy of Tokyo’s second Summer Olympics. It is safe to say that Tokyo 2020/2021, as the COVID-19 games, did not fully achieve what the Japanese organizers had hoped it would. On the contrary, the Olympic dream of 2020 was postponed and met quite substantial opposition. This introduction discusses the main findings of the contributions and places them in the larger context. The focus is on four aspects of Tokyo 2020/2021: 1) the Olympics as a political project of the conservative establishment and former Prime Minister Abe Shinzō; 2) critical perspectives on the Olympics as a mega event; 3) social movements and protests against the Olympics; 4) impact of the Olympics on technological innovation and city infrastructure.
2020/2021年东京奥运会和残奥会是什么?本期特刊汇集了从不同角度对东京第二届夏季奥运会的影响和遗产的不同方面的评估。可以肯定地说,东京2020/2021作为新冠肺炎奥运会,并没有完全实现日本组织者所希望的目标。相反,2020年的奥运梦被推迟,并遭到了相当大的反对。本引言讨论了这些贡献的主要发现,并将它们置于更大的背景中。重点是2020/2021年东京奥运会的四个方面:1)奥运会是保守体制和前首相安倍的政治项目;2)将奥运会视为大型赛事的批判性观点;3)反对奥运会的社会运动和抗议;4)奥运会对技术创新和城市基础设施的影响。
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引用次数: 1
“I want to bring this light to those in despair” – the Tokyo 2020 torch relay and the creation of Olympic legacies “我想给那些绝望的人带来光明”——2020年东京火炬传递和奥运遗产的创造
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2023.2169856
A. Niehaus
ABSTRACT Mega sport events like the Olympic Games leave their marks on hosting nations and often become important lieux de mémoire in the history of a nation. In this article, I will analyze the Tokyo 2020 torch relay as a highly ritualistic and highly choreographed act that creates a space of and for symbolic practices and performances, and I will use it as a case study to show how the torch relay contributes to the creation of an Olympic legacy in Japan. My argument is divided into four sections. In each section, I will focus on a different area of the “microcosm of the torch relay” to shed light on chosen official strategies and efforts of Japanese politics, the IOC, the JOC, and the Tokyo 2020 Organizing Committee to create a 2020 Olympics narrative and future legacies. At the same time, I will challenge these efforts, strategies, and practices in terms of underlying intentions, hidden agendas, their impact and (failed) success by examining some of the many obstacles, opposing voices, and counter-narratives along the way of the torch relay, as well as how the micro-narratives of individual torch bearers may be the most enduring memories of the Tokyo 2020 torch relay.
像奥运会这样的大型体育赛事在主办国留下了自己的印记,往往成为一个国家历史上重要的转折点。在这篇文章中,我将分析2020年东京火炬传递作为一个高度仪式化和高度编排的行为,创造了一个象征性的实践和表演的空间,我将用它作为一个案例研究来展示火炬传递如何为创造日本的奥运遗产做出贡献。我的论点分为四个部分。在每个部分中,我将重点关注“火炬传递的微观世界”的不同领域,以揭示日本政治、国际奥委会、奥委会和2020年东京奥组委选定的官方战略和努力,以创造2020年奥运会的叙事和未来的遗产。与此同时,我将从潜在的意图、隐藏的议程、影响和(失败的)成功等方面挑战这些努力、策略和做法,研究火炬传递过程中的一些障碍、反对声音和反叙事,以及个人火炬手的微观叙事如何成为2020年东京火炬传递最持久的记忆。
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引用次数: 0
How the Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games were embedded in urban planning documents: The enforcement of a metropolitan strategy in the Bay Area 东京奥运会和残奥会如何融入城市规划文件:湾区大都市战略的实施
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2023.2169462
A. Faure
ABSTRACT This study examines the coherence between the Tokyo Olympic urban project, the national urban planning strategies, and the metropolitan and sub-metropolitan policies. The objective is to understand how the wards are integrated in the definition and design of the Olympic project by questioning the available urban planning tools. This paper shows that the Olympic project is fundamentally top-down and does not take into account the objectives of the wards, while it also seeks to finalize urban strategies decided at the national level from the 1980s. The paper examines 25 strategic documents and urban planning documents in English and Japanese in order to trace the evolution of urban planning choices. The result of the study confirms that it is important for the Olympic movement to reform the preparatory phase of the event, in particular by lengthening the period between the election of the host city and the delivery of the Games, while including more strongly all the public actors and not only the institution signing the host city contract.
摘要:本研究探讨了东京奥运城市项目、国家城市规划战略以及大都市和次大都市政策之间的一致性。目的是通过质疑现有的城市规划工具,了解如何将病房整合到奥运项目的定义和设计中。本文表明,奥林匹克项目基本上是自上而下的,没有考虑到各个地区的目标,同时它也试图最终确定自20世纪80年代以来在国家层面上决定的城市战略。本文考察了25份中英文的战略文件和城市规划文件,以追溯城市规划选择的演变。研究结果证实,奥林匹克运动改革赛事的筹备阶段非常重要,特别是通过延长主办城市选举和奥运会交付之间的时间,同时更有力地包括所有公共行为者,而不仅仅是签署主办城市合同的机构。
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引用次数: 0
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Contemporary Japan
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