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The origins of income equality with a small government in Japan: An analysis of the formation of Japanese-style income policy in 1975 日本小政府下收入平等的起源——1975年日本式收入政策形成分析
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2022.2137757
Ryota Takahashi
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引用次数: 0
Yasukuni Fundamentalism: Japanese Religions and the Politics of Restoration 靖国原教旨主义:日本宗教与维新政治
Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2022.2137620
Ernils Larsson
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引用次数: 1
Conscription Insurance in Pre-war Japan - Private Enterprise and National Interest 战前日本的征兵保险——私营企业与国家利益
Pub Date : 2022-10-15 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2022.2133667
Yingying Jiang
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引用次数: 0
Active pursuit of pregnancy: Neoliberalism, postfeminism and the politics of reproduction in contemporary Japan 积极追求怀孕:新自由主义、后女性主义与当代日本的再生产政治
Pub Date : 2022-08-15 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2022.2111541
Nora Kottmann
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引用次数: 0
Radiation moms’ organizational survival for a decade: A shift from advocacy to non-advocacy activities 辐射母亲十年来的组织生存:从倡导活动到非倡导活动的转变
Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2022.2112478
Ayaka Löschke
ABSTRACT This article examines changes in Japan’s social movement organizations (SMOs) after the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, focusing on mothers against radiation as key actors. After the Fukushima disaster, Japan’s SMOs enjoyed not only a resurgence of mass protests, but also an increase in advocacy activities and mothers’ participation in relation to radiation protection. Furthermore, some mothers’ SMOs against radiation survived for a decade. Such longevity is internationally unusual for an SMO. However, these SMOs have been virtually unstudied with regards to this longevity. How did mothers’ SMOs against radiation fight for survival for more than a decade? To answer this question, this project conducted long-term ethnographic research on a mothers’ SMO, the Kodomo-tachi o Hōshanō kara Mamoru Zenkoku Nettowāku (the National Network of Parents to Protect Children from Radiation; the “Kodomozenkoku”). Founded in 2011, Kodomozenkoku has been active for more than a decade. It recruited over 350 local SMOs as rank-and-file and shifted its focus from national advocacy activities to local non-advocacy activities. Based on this case study of Kodomozenkoku, this research argues that Kodomozenkoku’s flexibility in its transformation concerning goals, internal structure and interorganizational relations enabled this newcomer SMO to survive for over a decade.
本文考察了日本福岛第一核电站核灾难后社会运动组织(SMOs)的变化,重点关注母亲反对辐射的关键角色。福岛核灾难发生后,日本的SMOs不仅再次出现大规模抗议活动,而且与辐射防护有关的宣传活动和母亲的参与也有所增加。此外,一些母亲的防辐射SMOs存活了10年。如此长的寿命对于SMO来说在国际上是不寻常的。然而,关于这种寿命,这些SMOs几乎没有被研究过。母亲们对抗辐射的SMOs是如何在十多年里生存下来的?为了回答这个问题,这个项目对母亲的SMO进行了长期的民族志研究,Kodomo-tachi o Hōshanō kara Mamoru Zenkoku Nettowāku(全国父母保护儿童免受辐射的网络;“Kodomozenkoku”)。Kodomozenkoku成立于2011年,已经活跃了十多年。它招募了350多名当地的普通社会活动人员,并将其重点从国家倡导活动转移到地方非倡导活动。本研究通过对Kodomozenkoku公司的案例分析,认为Kodomozenkoku公司在目标、内部结构和组织间关系等方面的灵活转型,使这家新成立的SMO公司得以存活十余年。
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引用次数: 2
Family planning and life planning in contemporary Japan: The “active pursuit of pregnancy” (ninkatsu) phenomenon and its stakeholders 当代日本的计划生育与生活计划:“积极追求怀孕”现象及其利益相关者
Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2022.2095783
I. Fassbender
ABSTRACT This article examines neoliberal bio-political strategies by scrutinizing a current discourse concerning fertility in mass media and the policy-making arena, a narrative formed around the catchy word creation “active pursuit of pregnancy” (ninkatsu). In the discourse of ninkatsu, which debuted in a women’s magazine in 2011 and inspired a similar narrative in new policies aimed at fighting the low birth rate, young women are encouraged to generate favorable circumstances for having children as early as possible in their life. For instance, these incorporate the management of personal conditions such as career and marriage as well as thorough life planning including deliberations on physiological factors which affect the “maintenance” of a fertile body. Drawing on concrete examples from a narrative in new demographic policies, a special ninkatsu edition of said women’s magazine, a family planning guidebook for young women, and a TV documentary focusing on the aging of egg cells, the claims of the article are threefold. First, by shedding light on the involvement of stakeholders in media and the health care industry together with political actors, a broader range of stakeholders than solely policy makers in the strategies of contemporary population politics is highlighted. Second, the article shows that the contemporary narrative of family planning revolves around the rule of self-responsibility and self-optimization. Third, by taking a gender perspective, the article points out how women’s bodies are exploited in the name of “autonomy” for demographic national goals as well as for economic profit making.
本文通过审视大众媒体和政策制定领域中有关生育的当前话语,考察新自由主义的生命政治策略,这是一种围绕着“积极追求怀孕”(ninkatsu)这个吸引人的词创造而形成的叙事。在2011年首次出现在一本女性杂志上的“新松”(ninkatsu)的论述中,年轻女性被鼓励创造有利的环境,尽可能早地生孩子。该论述在旨在对抗低出生率的新政策中也受到了类似的启发。例如,这些包括对个人状况的管理,如事业和婚姻,以及彻底的人生规划,包括对影响“维持”生育能力的生理因素的审议。这篇文章从新人口政策的叙述、《妇女》杂志的一份特别版、一本针对年轻女性的计划生育指南和一部关注卵细胞衰老的电视纪录片中举出具体的例子,提出了三方面的主张。首先,通过揭示媒体和卫生保健行业的利益相关者与政治行为者的参与,突出了当代人口政治战略中更广泛的利益相关者,而不仅仅是决策者。其次,文章表明,当代计划生育叙事围绕着自我负责和自我优化的原则展开。第三,文章从性别的角度,指出女性的身体是如何以“自主”的名义,为人口国家目标和经济利润而被剥削的。
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引用次数: 0
Japan’s Disaster Memorial Museums and framing 3.11: Othering the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster in cultural memory 日本灾难纪念博物馆和框架3.11:文化记忆中的福岛第一核灾难
Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2022.2112479
Julia Gerster, E. Maly
ABSTRACT With the proliferation of several dozen new exhibits and museums dedicated to this specific disaster, the 3.11 Great East Japan Earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disaster, can be considered a turning point in the preservation of disaster memory in Japan. Although there is limited research on disaster museums, they play a significant role in shaping cultural memory of 3.11, as they are regarded as reliable, objective institutions of memory. Through analysis of 17 government-established 3.11 museums, this research explores the following questions: How do public disaster museums frame their representations of 3.11, and what official narrative is created within the cultural memory of the triple disaster in Japan? Drawing from analysis of the museums’ mission statements and exhibitions, and interviews with curators and museum staff, we argue that most disaster museums support narratives of overcoming hardships to contribute to a better future, showing continuity with narratives typical of other memorial museums such as WWII, or pre-3.11 disaster museums. In contrast to the commemoration of war and its influence on cultural memory, disaster museums have received relatively little scholarly attention. Yet, these forward-looking messages, combined with tendencies of museums to focus on local disaster experiences and emphasize disaster risk reduction with an artificial separation between man-made disasters vs. natural hazards, contributes to an othering of the Fukushima nuclear disaster in cultural memory, as an outlier in Japan’s long history of disasters. Without full representation of the compound disaster, understanding of 3.11 and the effective transmission of the intended lessons is severely limited.
3.11东日本大地震、海啸和核灾难是日本保存灾难记忆的一个转折点,随着几十个新的展览和博物馆的激增,这场灾难可以被认为是日本保存灾难记忆的一个转折点。尽管对灾难博物馆的研究有限,但它们在塑造311的文化记忆方面发挥了重要作用,因为它们被认为是可靠的、客观的记忆机构。本研究通过对17家政府设立的“3.11”博物馆的分析,探讨了以下问题:公共灾难博物馆如何构建其对“3.11”的再现?在日本三重灾难的文化记忆中,官方叙事是如何形成的?根据对博物馆使命宣言和展览的分析,以及对策展人和博物馆工作人员的采访,我们认为大多数灾难博物馆都支持克服困难,为更美好的未来做出贡献的叙事,与其他纪念博物馆(如二战或3.11之前的灾难博物馆)的叙事具有连续性。与纪念战争及其对文化记忆的影响相比,灾难博物馆得到的学术关注相对较少。然而,这些前瞻性的信息,加上博物馆倾向于关注当地的灾难经验,并强调通过人为灾害与自然灾害的人为区分来减少灾害风险,有助于将福岛核灾难作为日本漫长的灾难历史中的一个例外,在文化记忆中留下另一个。如果没有对复合灾难的充分描述,对3.11的理解和预期教训的有效传递将受到严重限制。
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引用次数: 0
Message from the managing editor 总编辑的留言
Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2022.2133576
Isaac Gagné
Dear readers, While only half a year has passed since our previous issue, the pace of changes in Japan and in the world makes it feel like much longer. The SARS-CoV2 pandemic has been declared “over” in many countries, even as infection and death rates have reached new heights in Japan and elsewhere; meanwhile, monkey pox is the newest virus to invade the public discourse. The ongoing war in the Ukraine continues to impact lives and livelihoods for many in Europe and beyond. And as if to add exclamation points to the year 2022, former prime minister Abe Shinzo was assassinated and Queen Elizabeth II passed away (with both funerals being held in September, just before this issue was published). In Japan, Abe’s “state funeral” was greeted with disapproval by over half of the public as well as protests, and the continuing fallout from the revelations of lawmaker’s connections to certain religious organizations may harbor future changes in state-society relations. In all these ways, 2022 has certainly been different than the previous “pandemic years,” though no less eventful. Nonetheless, at CJ we continue to try and bring you the latest research and commentaries on Japan, and this issue maintains this commitment. Volume 34 Issue 2 brings together a Special Section on “Continuity and Change 10 Years after 3.11: Processes and Dynamics in State-Society Relations,” an invited commentary, and our book review section. The Special Section features an Introduction by the guest editors Anna Wiemann, Florentine Koppenborg, and Tobias Weiss that situates the 3.11 disaster within the broader dynamics of statesociety relations over the ten years since the disaster. The three papers in this Special Section analyze the post-3.11 developments in social movements (Loschke), protest participation (Satoh), and disaster memorial museums (Gerster and Maly), and bring important longitudinal and comparative perspective to the ongoing effects of the disaster on Japanese society – and indeed, the dynamics they analyze prove especially relevant given the ways that Abe’s recent assassination has become a touchstone for both protest and memorialization. In our invited commentary section, Norio Okada from Kwansei Gakuin University provides a fascinating reflection on his 30 years of fieldwork in so-called “depopulated areas,” with a focus on Chizu Town in Tottori Prefecture, and challenges us to shift our attention from the statistical framings of “rural decline” to the actual “small, lively communities” that may hold the secret to revitalizing rural communities across Japan. Rounding out the issue, our book review section covers English and German language publications in the fields of education, family, history, religious studies, and black studies. CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 2022, VOL. 34, NO. 2, 125–126 https://doi.org/10.1080/18692729.2022.2133576
亲爱的读者们,虽然我们的上一期只过去了半年,但日本和世界的变化速度让人感觉时间更长了。许多国家已经宣布SARS-CoV2大流行“结束”,尽管日本和其他地方的感染率和死亡率达到了新的高度;与此同时,猴痘是侵入公众话语的最新病毒。乌克兰正在进行的战争继续影响着欧洲和其他地区许多人的生活和生计。似乎是为了给2022年加上一个感叹号,日本前首相安倍晋三(Abe Shinzo)被暗杀,英国女王伊丽莎白二世(Queen Elizabeth II)去世(两场葬礼都在9月举行,就在本期出版之前)。在日本,安倍的“国葬”遭到了一半以上民众的反对和抗议,而议员与某些宗教组织的联系被揭露的持续影响可能会导致未来国家与社会关系的变化。在所有这些方面,2022年肯定与之前的“大流行年”不同,尽管事件并不少。尽管如此,在CJ,我们将继续努力为您带来有关日本的最新研究和评论,本期杂志也将保持这一承诺。第34卷第2期汇集了关于“3.11事件10年后的延续与变化:国家与社会关系的过程与动态”的特别部分、特邀评论和我们的书评部分。特约编辑Anna Wiemann、Florentine Koppenborg和Tobias Weiss将3.11灾难置于灾难发生后十年来国家社会关系的更广泛动态中。本专题部分的三篇论文分析了3.11后社会运动(Loschke)、抗议参与(佐藤)和灾难纪念馆(Gerster和Maly)的发展,并为灾难对日本社会的持续影响带来了重要的纵向和比较视角——事实上,他们分析的动态尤其相关,因为安倍最近的暗杀已成为抗议和纪念的试金石。在我们的特邀评论部分,来自关西学院大学的冈田则夫(Norio Okada)对他30年来在所谓的“人口减少地区”进行的田野调查进行了精彩的反思,重点是鸟取县的千津镇,并挑战我们将注意力从“农村衰落”的统计框架转移到实际的“小而有活力的社区”,这些社区可能拥有振兴日本农村社区的秘密。最后,我们的书评部分涵盖了教育、家庭、历史、宗教研究和黑人研究领域的英语和德语出版物。《当代日本2022》,第34卷,第1期。2,125 - 126 https://doi.org/10.1080/18692729.2022.2133576
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引用次数: 0
Spannungen im Japanischen Kaiserhaus: Prinzen als Oppositionelle in Krisen-, Kriegs- und Besatzungszeit 1930-1951 (Tensions in the Japanese imperial house: Princes as opposition members in the period of crisis, war and occupation 1930-1951), by Gerhard Krebs, OAG Iudicium Verlag, 2021 日本皇宫内部压力:20世纪30—51年危机、战争和占领时期的王子兼反对国帝国大厦:王子是危机时期反对派的反对派,但在1930—1951年
Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2022.2095869
Ernst Lokowandt
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引用次数: 0
Continuity and change 10 years after 3.11: Processes and dynamics in state-society relations 3.11后10年的连续性和变化:国家与社会关系的过程和动态
Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/18692729.2022.2127635
Wiemann Anna, Florentine Koppenborg, Tobias Weiss​
ABSTRACT This introduction presents the three papers of the special section and embeds them in the broader debate on continuity and change in state-society relations within the first decade after the triple disaster of March 2011. We first discuss reconstruction efforts by the government and their social and environmental impacts. This is followed by an assessment of changes in civil society and dynamics in state-civil society relations. We find that access to politics became increasingly difficult for civic groups since 2012. This led many of them to readjust their strategies for pursuing their goals. We then show how the three papers tie into these debates and carve out issues for further research: i.e., whether demobilized sectors of civil society would be ready for remobilization in case of a new political opportunity, the long-term effect of newcomers with new left values on the protest scene, as well as the state’s power over the meaning-making of the disaster and how this feeds into national identity and politics.
摘要:本引言介绍了专题部分的三篇论文,并将其纳入2011年3月三重灾难后第一个十年内关于国家与社会关系连续性和变化的更广泛辩论中。我们首先讨论政府的重建工作及其对社会和环境的影响。随后对民间社会的变化和国家与民间社会关系的动态进行了评估。我们发现,自2012年以来,公民团体参与政治变得越来越困难。这导致他们中的许多人重新调整了追求目标的策略。然后,我们展示了这三篇论文是如何与这些辩论联系在一起的,并提出了有待进一步研究的问题:即,在出现新的政治机会时,民间社会复员部门是否准备好重新动员,具有新左派价值观的新来者在抗议现场的长期影响,以及国家对这场灾难意义的决定权,以及这场灾难如何融入国家认同和政治。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Contemporary Japan
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