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LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION IN KEDAH, MALAYA (1909–1940): THE KEY TO ACHIEVING FOOD SECURITY, ECONOMIC GROWTH, AND RESPONSIBLE CONSUMPTION UNDER THE BRITISH 马来亚吉打州的畜牧业生产(1909-1940 年):英国统治下实现粮食安全、经济增长和负责任消费的关键
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.32890/jis2024.20.1.3
Muhamad Shahrun Aiman Mohd Daud, Mohd Firdaus Abdullah, Arba’iyah Mohd Noor, Noraini Mohamed Hassan, Norazilawati Abd Wahab
The expansion of the British Empire during the 18th and 19th centuries significantly shaped livestock policies and agricultural practices in their colonies. It is argued here that understanding the British colonial experience in Kedah offers valuable perspectives on how responsible and sustainable livestock production can contribute to addressing the challenges of food security around the world. The current academic study employed a historical method and qualitative approach to investigate the impact of British colonial rule on livestock production in Kedah, Malaya, from 1909 to 1940. The study delved into the British efforts to enhance livestock production in Kedah and highlighted the pivotal role played by livestock production in achieving food security, promoting economic growth, and encouraging responsible consumption. Also, the current study revealed the challenges the British faced in animal husbandry activities during this period. The findings demonstrated that the British had successfully developed the livestock sector in Kedah, proven by the increased meat production, livestock numbers, and income. As a result, this historical study provides valuable insights for addressing contemporary global issues related to food security. 
大英帝国在 18 世纪和 19 世纪的扩张极大地影响了其殖民地的畜牧政策和农业实践。本文认为,了解大英帝国在吉打州的殖民经历,可为我们提供宝贵的视角,帮助我们了解负责任和可持续的畜牧业生产如何有助于应对世界各地的粮食安全挑战。本学术研究采用历史方法和定性方法,调查了 1909 年至 1940 年英国殖民统治对马来亚吉打州畜牧业生产的影响。研究深入探讨了英国为提高吉打州畜牧业生产所做的努力,并强调了畜牧业生产在实现粮食安全、促进经济增长和鼓励负责任消费方面所发挥的关键作用。此外,本研究还揭示了英国人在这一时期的畜牧业活动中所面临的挑战。研究结果表明,英国人成功地发展了吉打州的畜牧业,肉类产量、牲畜数量和收入的增加都证明了这一点。因此,这项历史研究为解决与粮食安全相关的当代全球问题提供了宝贵的见解。
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引用次数: 0
BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION EFFORTS AMONG MUSLIM COUNTRIES: EVIDENCE FROM THE ORGANIZATION OF ISLAMIC COOPERATION COUNTRIES 穆斯林国家的生物多样性保护工作:来自伊斯兰合作组织国家的证据
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.32890/jis2024.20.1.4
Roslina Ismail, Mohd Kamarulnizam Abdullah, Latifah Abd Ghani
According to mainstream literature, Muslim countries often lag behind in terms of environmental sustainability despite their beingfully compliant with global environmental regulations. This raises the question of whether this applies to all aspects of environmentalconservation. Therefore, this paper aims to evaluate the effectiveness of biodiversity conservation efforts in countries that are members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and determine whether a consistent growth trend in biodiversity conservation can be identified. The study employs semi-quantitative and policy-science methods, analysing data from Yale University’s Biodiversity and Habitat Protection Index from 2010 to 2020. The findings show a significant increase in biodiversity conservation performance over the ten-year study period. Interestingly, low-income countries outperformed their wealthier OIC counterparts in terms of biodiversity conservation, despite having the lowest economic development status. This positive trend highlights the effectiveness of essential biodiversity policies and measures adopted in these Muslim countries. Furthermore, these results align with Stern’s approach, which argues that economic expansion can have diverse impacts on environmental quality, leading to the rejection of the Environmental Kuznets Curve hypothesis in the context of biodiversity conservation in Muslim countries. The study emphasises the need for further research into the nature of biodiversity policies among low-income nations. The policy ideas and solutions from these countries can provide valuable insights for combating biodiversity loss within OIC countries and globally, contributing to achieving Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Additionally, it has the potential to enhance the capacity of OIC countries in biodiversity conservation and their role in supporting fellow Muslim nations in achieving the SDGs. 
根据主流文献,穆斯林国家尽管严格遵守全球环境法规,但在环境可持续性方面往往落在后面。这就提出了一个问题,即这是否适用于环境保护的所有方面。因此,本文旨在评估伊斯兰合作组织(OIC)成员国在生物多样性保护方面所做努力的有效性,并确定在生物多样性保护方面是否可以发现一致的增长趋势。研究采用半定量和政策科学方法,分析了耶鲁大学 2010 年至 2020 年生物多样性和栖息地保护指数的数据。研究结果表明,在十年的研究期内,生物多样性保护的绩效有了显著提高。有趣的是,尽管低收入国家的经济发展水平最低,但它们在生物多样性保护方面的表现却优于较富裕的伊斯兰会议组织国家。这一积极趋势凸显了这些穆斯林国家所采取的基本生物多样性政策和措施的有效性。此外,这些结果与斯特恩的方法一致,后者认为经济扩张会对环境质量产生不同的影响,从而在穆斯林国家的生物多样性保护方面否定了环境库兹涅茨曲线假说。本研究强调,有必要进一步研究低收入国家生物多样性政策的性质。这些国家的政策理念和解决方案可为伊斯兰会议组织国家和全球应对生物多样性丧失问题提供宝贵的见解,有助于实现可持续发展目标(SDGs)。此外,它还有可能提高伊斯兰会议组织国家在生物多样性保护方面的能力,以及它们在支持穆斯林兄弟国家实现可持续发展目标方面的作用。
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引用次数: 0
MODERATOR EFFECT OF TECHNOLOGICAL ADVANCEMENT ON FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND ECONOMIC GROWTH NEXUS IN ASIAN COUNTRIES 技术进步对亚洲国家金融发展和经济增长关系的调节作用
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.32890/jis2024.20.1.5
Rishan Hewage, J. Pyeman, Norashida Othman
The examination of the nexus between Financial Development (FD), Technological Advancement (TA), Human Capital (HC), andPrivate Consumption (PC) to Economic Growth (EG) has gained substantial attention in both empirical and theoretical academia sincethe early nineteenth century. Scholars affirm that FD, HC, PC, and TA are crucial factors in determining optimal resource allocationand efficient utilization required to achieve sustainable EG. This study investigates the nexus of FD, HC, and PC with EG in Asiancountries, with TA serving as the moderator. Data from 35 countries were collected annually over 15 years, spanning from 2005 to 2019. Using short panel data analysis, due to the higher number of crosssections (35) compared to time intervals (15), the findings confirm TA’s significant moderator effect in both short and long-run time scenarios. Additionally, a significant negative relationship with EG is observed for FD and PC, while TA and HC are identified as promoters of EG. The study underscores the importance of investing in TA while concurrently developing the quality of the labor force. Policymakers are encouraged to prioritize technology development and the introduction of innovative techniques. However, caution is advised in FD projects, necessitating strategies to reduce domestic private consumption.
自十九世纪初以来,关于金融发展(FD)、技术进步(TA)、人力资本(HC)和私人消费(PC)与经济增长(EG)之间关系的研究在实证和理论学术界都获得了极大的关注。学者们认为,FD、HC、PC 和 TA 是决定资源优化配置和有效利用以实现可持续 EG 的关键因素。本研究调查了亚洲国家的 FD、HC 和 PC 与 EG 的关系,并以 TA 作为调节因素。从 2005 年到 2019 年的 15 年间,每年收集 35 个国家的数据。由于横截面数量(35)多于时间间隔(15),使用短面板数据分析,研究结果证实 TA 在短期和长期时间情景中都具有显著的调节作用。此外,FD 和 PC 与 EG 呈显著负相关,而 TA 和 HC 被认为是 EG 的促进因素。这项研究强调了在投资技术援助的同时发展劳动力素质的重要性。鼓励决策者优先考虑技术开发和引进创新技术。不过,建议在实施金融发展项目时谨慎行事,必须采取减少国内私人消费的战略。
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引用次数: 0
BRIDGING THE DIVIDE: ADDRESSING SOCIOECONOMIC INEQUALITY IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS (2000-2015) 弥合鸿沟:在千年发展目标(2000--2015 年)框架内解决种族隔离后南非的社会经济不平等问题
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.32890/jis2024.20.1.8
Moshood Saka
The practice of the apartheid system in South Africa has been widely condemned for perpetuating enduring socio-economic inequality and for its detrimental impacts on the lives of millions of citizens. While many studies have strongly affirmed this assertion, socio-economic inequality continues to arguably engender a long-lasting struggle among the black and colored communities in post-apartheid South Africa. This places a burden on the country’s successive governments to implement long-term policies that can rectify the plight of the people. Consequently, the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in 2000 becomes an important reference tool for the African National Congress (ANC)-dominated government, which has initiated and implemented policies to combat inequality in the post-apartheid era. This study examines the roles and measures taken by the ANC government to address racially discriminated economic and social inequality within the framework of the MDGs. Using qualitative research methods, the study explores the background framework of the MDGs and analyzes socio-economic measures implemented by successive ANC governments between 2000 and 2015, focusing on areas such as education, poverty eradication, and healthcare. Primary and secondary sources are utilized to provide insights and support the analysis. The findings reveal that the ANC-dominated government effectively incorporated the frameworks of the MDGs into its formulation and execution of policy measures to eradicatesocial inequality in South Africa. The study concludes that the effective implementation of these measures has yielded considerableprogress, effectively addressing multifaceted issues such as poverty, healthcare, education, and unemployment. This conclusion alignswith the official South African MDG report, which unequivocally highlights the several achievements of MDG targets through policyimplementation from 2000 to 2015. 
南非的种族隔离制度因其长期存在的社会经济不平等及其对数百万公民生活的有害影响而受到广泛谴责。尽管许多研究都有力地证实了这一论断,但在种族隔离后的南非,社会经济不平等仍在黑人和有色人种社区中引发长期斗争。这就给南非历届政府带来了实施长期政策、改善人民困境的重担。因此,2000 年通过的千年发展目标(MDGs)成为以非洲人国民大会(ANC)为主导的政府的重要参考工具,该政府在后种族隔离时代发起并实施了消除不平等的政策。本研究探讨了非洲人国民大会政府在千年发展目标框架内为解决种族歧视造成的经济和社会不平等问题所发挥的作用和采取的措施。本研究采用定性研究方法,探讨了千年发展目标的背景框架,分析了 2000 年至 2015 年间历届非国大政府实施的社会经济措施,重点关注教育、消除贫困和医疗保健等领域。研究利用了第一手资料和第二手资料为分析提供见解和支持。研究结果表明,非国大主导的政府在制定和执行政策措施时有效地将千年发展目标框架纳入其中,以消除南非的社会不平等现象。研究得出的结论是,这些措施的有效实施取得了相当大的进展,有效地解决了贫困、医疗保健、教育和失业等多方面的问题。这一结论与南非官方千年发展目标报告相吻合,后者明确强调了从 2000 年到 2015 年通过政策实施实现千年发展目标的若干成就。
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引用次数: 0
THE CO-INTEGRATION AND CAUSALITY EFFECT BETWEEN GLOBAL COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND THE STOCK MARKET RETURN IN MALAYSIA: AN EXPLORATORY SEQUENTIAL MIXED METHODS APPROACH 全球科维德-19 大流行病与马来西亚股市回报率之间的协整关系和因果效应:一种探索性顺序混合方法
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.32890/jis2024.20.1.10
William Choo Keng Soon, Mohd Yahya Mohd Hussin, Chan Pui Yee, Dinesh Kumar Saundra Rajan, Muhammad Ashraf Anuar
The COVID-19 pandemic is one of the most unparalleled disasters the world has ever seen. Previously, the global community hasfaced the Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS), Ebola Virus Disease (EVD), and Severe Acute Respiratory (SARS). However,the tremendous rate of infection created by the global COVID-19 pandemic is unmatchable with its rapid spread all over the world. Therefore, it is considered as a Black Swan event as created previously by the 2008 financial crisis, SARS, and 9/11 terrorist attack. All these events have triggered panic selling that affected the confidence of investors and businesses. Subsequently, stock market performance has affected the choice of investment decisions that translated into stock return. Therefore, this paper was undertaken to investigate the co-integration and causality relationship among global COVID-19 daily infected cases, COVID-19 recoveries rate, COVID-19 death rate, investor sentiment, government policy, foreign exchange rate, Malaysia gold price, and crude oil price towards the KLCI stock market return. This study employed an exploratory sequential mixed methods approach along with Johansen and Julius Co-Integration and Granger Causality in explaining the Malaysia stock market return. The empirical analysis concluded that COVID-19 daily cases, COVID-19 recoveries rate, government policy and foreign exchange have had a long-term effect in explaining the Malaysia stock return. On the other hand, all the study variables, except for government policy indicated a short-term effect on the Malaysia stock return. This study will contribute significantly to the body of finance literature on the impact of a disease outbreak, with highlights on the considerations of investors on the global COVID-19 pandemic in illuminating the variation of Malaysia stock market returns. 
COVID-19 大流行是世界上有史以来最空前的灾难之一。在此之前,全球社会曾面对过中东呼吸综合征(MERS)、埃博拉病毒病(EVD)和严重急性呼吸系统综合征(SARS)。然而,全球 COVID-19 大流行所造成的巨大感染率是无法比拟的,它迅速蔓延到世界各地。因此,与 2008 年金融危机、SARS 和 9/11 恐怖袭击一样,它被视为黑天鹅事件。所有这些事件都引发了恐慌性抛售,影响了投资者和企业的信心。随后,股市表现影响了投资决策的选择,并转化为股票回报。因此,本文旨在研究全球 COVID-19 每日感染病例、COVID-19 恢复率、COVID-19 死亡率、投资者情绪、政府政策、外汇汇率、马来西亚黄金价格和原油价格与 KLCI 股市回报率之间的协整关系和因果关系。本研究采用了探索性顺序混合方法以及约翰森和朱利叶斯共同整合和格兰杰因果关系来解释马来西亚股市回报率。实证分析得出结论,COVID-19 每日案例、COVID-19 恢复率、政府政策和外汇对解释马来西亚股票回报率有长期影响。另一方面,除政府政策外,所有研究变量对马来西亚股票回报率都有短期影响。本研究将对有关疾病爆发影响的金融文献做出重大贡献,重点是投资者对全球 COVID-19 大流行的考虑,以揭示马来西亚股票市场回报率的变化。
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引用次数: 0
FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO CHILD MARRIAGE AMONG SYRIAN REFUGEES IN DOMIZ CAMP-KURDISTAN-IRAQ 造成多米兹难民营-库尔德斯坦-伊拉克境内叙利亚难民童婚的因素
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.32890/jis2024.20.1.1
Jabbar Abdulrahman Qahar, Dr Azlin Hillaluddin, Dr Fatimah Ramli
Child marriage is an internationally recognised human rights issue that has been extensively studied by various Non-GovernmentalOrganisations and the United Nations. In response to this problem, many countries have implemented social policies aimed at addressing child marriage and several international treaties are dedicated to combatting it. This study focuses on examining the factors contributing to child marriage within refugee populations. The research methodology involved conducting in-depth interviews with ten young wives aged between 16 and 22, facilitating focus group discussions with their husbands and parents residing in Domiz Camps 1 and 2 in Kurdistan, as well as interviewing key informants who work in child protection services and social policy development. Thematic analysis was employed to identify prominent themes and subthemes based on the perspectives of participants. The research revealed that child marriage is driven by factors such as the need for safety, preservation of family honour, and economic challenges. Similar safety concerns were observed among Syrian refugees in this study, as well as in previous studies conducted on Jordanian refugees and Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. This study takes a comprehensive approach by considering perspectives from young wives, their parents, husbands, and key informants when examining factors related to child marriage. Ultimately, the findings of this study will contribute to a deeper understanding of refugee issues and efforts towards protecting children’s rights within the refugee context.
童婚是一个国际公认的人权问题,各非政府组织和联合国都对其进行了广泛研究。为了应对这一问题,许多国家都实施了旨在解决童婚问题的社会政策,还有一些国际条约也致力于打击童婚。本研究的重点是探讨造成难民童婚的因素。研究方法包括对 10 名年龄在 16-22 岁之间的年轻妻子进行深入访谈,促进与她们的丈夫和居住在库尔德斯坦 Domiz 1 号和 2 号难民营的父母进行焦点小组讨论,以及对从事儿童保护服务和社会政策制定工作的主要信息提供者进行访谈。研究采用了主题分析法,以根据参与者的观点确定突出主题和次主题。研究显示,童婚的驱动因素包括安全需求、维护家庭荣誉和经济挑战。在本研究中,以及之前对约旦难民和孟加拉国罗辛亚难民进行的研究中,都观察到了叙利亚难民对类似安全问题的担忧。在研究童婚的相关因素时,本研究采用了综合方法,考虑了年轻妻子、她们的父母、丈夫和主要信息提供者的观点。最终,本研究的结果将有助于加深对难民问题的理解,以及在难民背景下保护儿童权利的努力。
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引用次数: 0
SINO-US STRATEGIC COMPETITION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC: EXPLORING RESPONSES FROM MALAYSIA AND INDONESIA 中美在印度洋-太平洋地区的战略竞争:探讨马来西亚和印度尼西亚的对策
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.32890/jis2024.20.1.7
Amna Khalid, Bakri Mat
The Indo-Pacific region has emerged as a significant global focal point due to the increasing influence exerted by China and the UnitedStates. In light of the dynamic nature of the global geopolitical landscape, Malaysia and Indonesia, as two prominent Southeast Asianstates, find themselves at the nexus of this competition. China and the United States are two regional superpowers which have strategically positioned themselves in the Indo-Pacific. A systematic literature review was conducted to examine the crucial role of Indonesia and Malaysia in the context of the escalating Sino-US strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region. By focusing on research articles, books and reports, this work explored the policy and strategic outlook, methodological approaches and methods underpinning Indo-Pacific discourse in Indonesia and Malaysia. The methodology adopted for this review was systematic by following the seven stages suggested by Petticrew and Roberts (2008). This review’s findings indicated the diverse range of theories, methodologies, practical strategies, and approaches that scholars have employed in examining the roles of Indonesia and Malaysia in the Indo-Pacific region. Consequently, this paper broadens the scope for scholars by expounding upon the strategic outlook of Indonesia and Malaysia within the Indo-Pacific discourse, along with the various methodological and theoretical frameworks and conceptual models that may inform future research endeavours. This study was however, limited to gathering input from journal articles, books, book chapters, and reports, and excluding other sources such as conference papers and op-eds. Furthermore, thescope of studies accessed was limited to data available from 2013 to September 2023.
由于中国和美国的影响力日益增强,印度洋-太平洋地区已成为重要的全球焦点。鉴于全球地缘政治格局的动态性质,马来西亚和印度尼西亚这两个著名的东南亚国家发现自己正处于这场竞争的中心。中国和美国这两个地区超级大国在印度洋-太平洋地区进行了战略定位。为了研究印尼和马来西亚在中美在印太地区不断升级的战略竞争中的关键作用,我们进行了系统的文献综述。本研究以研究文章、书籍和报告为重点,探讨了印尼和马来西亚有关印太问题的政策和战略展望、方法论途径和方法。本综述所采用的方法是系统性的,遵循了 Petticrew 和 Roberts(2008 年)提出的七个阶段。综述结果表明,学者们在研究印尼和马来西亚在印太地区的角色时,采用了多种多样的理论、方法、实践策略和途径。因此,本文通过阐述印尼和马来西亚在印太地区的战略前景,以及各种方法论、理论框架和概念模型,为学者们拓宽了研究范围,为未来的研究工作提供了参考。不过,本研究仅限于从期刊论文、书籍、书籍章节和报告中收集资料,不包括会议论文和专栏文章等其他来源。此外,所查阅的研究范围仅限于 2013 年至 2023 年 9 月期间的数据。
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引用次数: 0
COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE ISLAMISATION PROCESS IN MALAYSIA AND NIGERIA: A SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY APPROACH 对马来西亚和尼日利亚伊斯兰化进程的比较研究:社会运动理论方法
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.32890/jis2024.20.1.6
Helen Mu Hung Ting, Tobi Angel Kolawole
This exploratory, diachronic study compares the politics of Islamisation, which have undergone different patterns of developmentin both Nigeria and Malaysia. Islamisation is defined as an ideological translation of Islamism into policies to “Islamise” the state andsociety by expanding the scope of the application of Islamic laws and principles. Islamisation in Malaysia has been implemented steadily and progressively since the 1980s. It involves the “inculcation of Islamic values” in a wide range of aspects of society, including the economy. The Islamic penal code or hudud enactments were legislated in two states, but held in abeyance due to their unconstitutionality. In contrast, Nigeria observed the sudden and erratic implementation of hudud in 12 northern states in 1999, along with other bureaucratic adjustments. Adopting an interpretative case study approach of the comparative method of Arend Lijphart, we explain the two contrastive case studies of the ideological translation of Islamism by analysing the manner in which various political opportunities and structural constraints in the respective cases have shaped the Islamisation process. Data gathering was based on an extensive review of the related body of literature. Analysis was conducted using a social movement theoretical framework based on a structured, focused comparison. The dynamic conceptualisation of the state as a set of institutions, which is continually and dialectically reshaped by contentious processes, captures how the bureaucratisation and judicialisation of Islam have modified the nature of state structures and the structure of political opportunities, which in turn allows for additional channels of influence for Islamic activists.
这项探索性的非同步研究比较了伊斯兰化政治,尼日利亚和马来西亚的伊斯兰化政治经历了不同的发展模式。伊斯兰化被定义为将伊斯兰主义的意识形态转化为政策,通过扩大伊斯兰法律和原则的适用范围来实现国家和社会的 "伊斯兰化"。自 20 世纪 80 年代以来,马来西亚一直在稳步、逐步地实施伊斯兰化。伊斯兰化涉及到在包括经济在内的广泛社会领域 "灌输伊斯兰价值观"。有两个州制定了伊斯兰刑法或 hudud 法,但由于违宪而被搁置。与此相反,1999 年,尼日利亚在北部 12 个州突然和不规则地实施了伊斯兰法典,同时还进行了其他官僚调整。我们采用阿伦德-莱法特(Arend Lijphart)比较法中的解释性案例研究方法,通过分析各自案例中各种政治机遇和结构性制约因素对伊斯兰化进程的影响,解释了伊斯兰教意识形态转化的两个对比性案例研究。数据收集基于对相关文献的广泛查阅。分析采用了基于结构化重点比较的社会运动理论框架。将国家视为一系列机构,而这些机构又不断地、辩证地受到争议过程的重塑,这种动态概念捕捉到了伊斯兰教的官僚化和司法化如何改变了国家结构的性质和政治机会的结构,这反过来又为伊斯兰活动家提供了更多的影响渠道。
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引用次数: 0
TURKISH-GREEK RELATIONS: A FRAGILE STABILITY BETWEEN NEIGHBORS ON THE TWO SHORES OF THE AEGEAN SEA 土耳其-希腊关系:爱琴海两岸邻国之间脆弱的稳定关系
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.32890/jis2024.20.1.2
Aslı Ege, Tülay Yıldırım Mat, Mehmet Bardakçı
This article considers the nature of Turkish-Greek relations, focusing on the question of how these should be characterized. This is animportant topic not only because there is a lack of a clear definition of the situation between the two countries in the literature, but also because providing a greater clarity of the issues about Turkish-Greek relations can assist in the long-term envisioning of a possible path that the two countries might take in the future. Employing a descriptive analysis, the article shows that a state of conflict rather than cooperation has determined the evolution of relations between Turkey and Greece. This sheds light on the intractable nature of the problems between the two countries, whether in Cyprus, the Aegean Sea, or the Eastern Mediterranean. The article concludes that Turkish-Greek relations are characterized by a historically grounded condition of fragile stability, with permanent tension and possible crisis prevailing, even if conflicts are frozen and war is not foreseen.
本文探讨土耳其与希腊关系的性质,重点是如何描述土耳其与希腊关系的问题。这是一个重要的话题,不仅因为文献中缺乏对两国关系的明确定义,还因为进一步明确土耳其与希腊关系的问题有助于从长远角度设想两国未来可能走的道路。文章通过描述性分析表明,冲突而非合作的状态决定了土耳其与希腊之间关系的演变。这揭示了两国之间无论是在塞浦路斯、爱琴海还是东地中海问题上的棘手性质。文章的结论是,土耳其与希腊关系的特点是具有历史基础的脆弱稳定状态,即使冲突被冻结,战争未被预见,但长期的紧张局势和可能的危机依然存在。
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引用次数: 0
THE PRINCIPLE OF NON-INTERFERENCE CURTAILS ASEAN ACTION IN ADDRESSING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION IN MYANMAR 不干涉原则限制了东盟解决缅甸侵犯人权问题的行动
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.32890/jis2024.20.1.9
Endi Haryono, Abdullah Sumrahadi, Anak Agung Istri Ratu Masayu Narayani
This article described and analyzed the dilemma faced by ASEAN under its non-interference principle in managing the human rightsissues in Myanmar. The presence of that principle severely curtails ASEAN’s firm action to promote and protect human rights stronglybased on the ASEAN’s commitment written in the ASEAN Charter and the ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights (ADHR). This articleutilizes the qualitative research method supported by secondary data to provide an in-depth and comprehensive analysis. ASEAN’sprotection of human rights is reflected by its active conduct of regular discussions and engagements on human rights issues in the region, the adoption of the ADHR, and the establishment of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). Thehuman rights issues gained more attention in ASEAN in 1997 as the United States and European Union opposed the ASEAN decision toaccept Myanmar as a member on the grounds of the human rights violations record in Myanmar. The membership in ASEAN did notimprove the human rights record in Myanmar as ASEAN had hoped for. Myanmar embarked on other human rights violations, amongothers the Rohingya crisis (2012) and the military coup against the democratic government (2021) that sparked criticism from abroadand within ASEAN. This study concluded that the principle of noninterference has set the limit and curtailed ASEAN’s contributiontoward optimally addressing human rights violations in Myanmar. ASEAN may need in the future a new and comprehensive mechanism for addressing human rights violations. A stronger constructive engagement policy should be put in place to set a universal standard to protect human rights in the region. 
本文描述并分析了东盟在不干涉原则下处理缅甸人权问题所面临的困境。该原则的存在严重限制了东盟根据其在《东盟宪章》和《东盟人权宣言》(ADHR)中的承诺,为促进和保护人权而采取的坚定行动。本文采用定性研究方法,并辅以二手资料进行了深入而全面的分析。东盟对人权的保护体现在其就本地区人权问题积极开展定期讨论和接触、通过《东盟人权宣言》以及成立东盟政府间人权委员会(AICHR)。1997 年,由于美国和欧盟以缅甸侵犯人权为由反对东盟接纳缅甸为成员国,人权问题在东盟受到更多关注。加入东盟并没有像东盟所希望的那样改善缅甸的人权记录。缅甸开始了其他侵犯人权的行为,其中包括罗兴亚人危机(2012 年)和针对民主政府的军事政变(2021 年),这引发了国外和东盟内部的批评。本研究得出的结论是,不干涉原则已经限制和削减了东盟为以最佳方式解决缅甸侵犯人权问题所做的贡献。东盟今后可能需要一个新的、全面的机制来解决侵犯人权问题。应制定更强有力的建设性接触政策,为保护该地区的人权制定普遍标准。
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Journal of International Studies
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