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新聞人創業突圍:五種媒體模式的開創 新闻人创业突围:五种媒体模式的开创
Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.53106/172635812023060043002
陳順孝 陳順孝
本論文探討媒體廣告營收模式失靈後,新聞人如何創業突圍。筆者研究五位新聞創業者的辦報動機、歷程和模式,結果發現:一、創業者不滿大眾媒體表現而創辦新媒體,對商業利益的重視有高有低,但同樣堅持專業自主;二、創業是快做快修的歷程,創業者因應媒體生態、團隊能量變化,不斷調整內容和營收模式;三、創業者根據媒體內容特色開發適配的商業模式,開創出小額捐款、社會企業、付費訂閱、創業投資、公益基金會等五種新媒體模式。 How journalists can create new media to survive and thrive when media advertising revenue plummets? The author studied the practical experience of five news entrepreneurs in Taiwan and revealed the following findings: 1. Entrepreneurs tend to start businesses because they are dissatisfied with the performance of the mass media. Some of them attach importance to commercial interests, and some do not; however, they all insist on independence and professional principles. 2. Entrepreneurship is a process of continual testing and modification. No one executes an original launch plan to completion; rather, in such a plan, the content and revenue model are continually adjusted in response to changes in the media ecology and team energy. 3. Entrepreneurs develop suitable business models according to media characteristics. Collectively, they have created five new media models: small donations, social enterprises, paid subscriptions, venture capital, and public welfare foundations. 
本论文探讨媒体广告营收模式失灵后,新闻人如何创业突围。笔者研究五位新闻创业者的办报动机、历程和模式,结果发现:一、创业者不满大众媒体表现而创办新媒体,对商业利益的重视有高有低,但同样坚持专业自主;二、创业是快做快修的历程,创业者因应媒体生态、团队能量变化,不断调整内容和营收模式;三、创业者根据媒体内容特色开发适配的商业模式,开创出小额捐款、社会企业、付费订阅、创业投资、公益基金会等五种新媒体模式。 How journalists can create new media to survive and thrive when media advertising revenue plummets? The author studied the practical experience of five news entrepreneurs in Taiwan and revealed the following findings: 1. Entrepreneurs tend to start businesses because they are dissatisfied with the performance of the mass media. Some of them attach importance to commercial interests, and some do not; however, they all insist on independence and professional principles. 2. Entrepreneurship is a process of continual testing and modification. No one executes an original launch plan to completion; rather, in such a plan, the content and revenue model are continually adjusted in response to changes in the media ecology and team energy. 3. Entrepreneurs develop suitable business models according to media characteristics. Collectively, they have created five new media models: small donations, social enterprises, paid subscriptions, venture capital, and public welfare foundations.
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引用次数: 0
假訊息管制與言論自由的平衡-— 美國網路中介責任的立法邊界探察與反思 假讯息管制与言论自由的平衡-— 美国网路中介责任的立法边界探察与反思
Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.53106/172635812023060043004
盧建誌 盧建誌
平台驅動市場中言論競爭失衡導致的壟斷危機,加劇煽動性內容的傳遞與政治極化的現象,促使民主機制遭受挑戰。本研究由憲法言論自由的視野出發,以直接因果連結、最小限制手段與規範不足為理論基礎,論證事前訂立專法管制假訊息勢將無法通過違憲審查的現實。由此,本研究循美國《通訊端正法》第230條的脈絡為觀察,試圖型塑以平台責任為核心的管制論述,構築兼具強化言論自由功能與彰顯「善良撒瑪利亞人」精神的假訊息規範模式。 As digital technology continues to evolve with the Internet, imbalances in competition have resulted in a risk of monopolies in the online social platforms. These imbalances have led to political polarization and sedition, which have challenged the stability of democratic institutions. In this study, the constitutional right to freedom of speech, direct causal links, least restrictive means, and insufficient specificity were integrated into a theoretical framework to demonstrate that a standard enacted to control the spread of disinformation would not be constitutional. On the basis of Section 230 of the US Communications Decency Act, this study proposes legislative and regulatory approaches for the digital environment. It further describes a legal standard for governing disinformation by upholding the Good Samaritan spirit. 
平台驱动市场中言论竞争失衡导致的垄断危机,加剧煽动性内容的传递与政治极化的现象,促使民主机制遭受挑战。本研究由宪法言论自由的视野出发,以直接因果连结、最小限制手段与规范不足为理论基础,论证事前订立专法管制假讯息势将无法通过违宪审查的现实。由此,本研究循美国《通讯端正法》第230条的脉络为观察,试图型塑以平台责任为核心的管制论述,构筑兼具强化言论自由功能与彰显「善良撒玛利亚人」精神的假讯息规范模式。 As digital technology continues to evolve with the Internet, imbalances in competition have resulted in a risk of monopolies in the online social platforms. These imbalances have led to political polarization and sedition, which have challenged the stability of democratic institutions. In this study, the constitutional right to freedom of speech, direct causal links, least restrictive means, and insufficient specificity were integrated into a theoretical framework to demonstrate that a standard enacted to control the spread of disinformation would not be constitutional. On the basis of Section 230 of the US Communications Decency Act, this study proposes legislative and regulatory approaches for the digital environment. It further describes a legal standard for governing disinformation by upholding the Good Samaritan spirit.
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引用次数: 0
臺灣2016和2020年立委選舉中候選人臉書貼文策略的影響 台湾2016和2020年立委选举中候选人脸书贴文策略的影响
Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.53106/172635812023060043005
譚躍 譚躍, 周軒逸 Yue Tan, 林芮君 Hsuan-Yi Chou
隨著社群媒體滲透在你我的生活中,越來越多的民眾使用臉書獲得選舉資訊,臺灣大多數的候選人開始使用公開的臉書粉絲團來助選。本研究使用電腦內容分析法,考察2016年和2020年兩屆區域立委選舉中217位候選人在臉書粉絲團的貼文中如何使用三種廣告訴求策略:理性訴求、感性訴求和自我揭露私生活。研究進一步探討這些臉書貼文策略使用的影響因素,以及對網友回文中所表達的認知處理水平、正負面情感、和臉書政治參與行為的影響。 Given the penetration of social media among citizens and the increasing use of Facebook to obtain election information, most Taiwanese political candidates are turning to public Facebook groups as a means of engaging with the electorate. This research used computerized content analysis to examine how 217 political candidates utilized three advertising appeal strategies, including rational appeals, emotional appeals, and self-disclosure of private life, in their Facebook group posts during regional legislative elections in 2016 and 2020. Additionally, this study explored possible influencing factors of using these strategies and how the usage of these strategies in candidates’ posts influenced Facebook users’ cognitive processing, positive and negative emotions expressed in their comments, and political engagement on Facebook. 
随著社群媒体渗透在你我的生活中,越来越多的民众使用脸书获得选举资讯,台湾大多数的候选人开始使用公开的脸书粉丝团来助选。本研究使用电脑内容分析法,考察2016年和2020年两届区域立委选举中217位候选人在脸书粉丝团的贴文中如何使用三种广告诉求策略:理性诉求、感性诉求和自我揭露私生活。研究进一步探讨这些脸书贴文策略使用的影响因素,以及对网友回文中所表达的认知处理水平、正负面情感、和脸书政治参与行为的影响。 Given the penetration of social media among citizens and the increasing use of Facebook to obtain election information, most Taiwanese political candidates are turning to public Facebook groups as a means of engaging with the electorate. This research used computerized content analysis to examine how 217 political candidates utilized three advertising appeal strategies, including rational appeals, emotional appeals, and self-disclosure of private life, in their Facebook group posts during regional legislative elections in 2016 and 2020. Additionally, this study explored possible influencing factors of using these strategies and how the usage of these strategies in candidates’ posts influenced Facebook users’ cognitive processing, positive and negative emotions expressed in their comments, and political engagement on Facebook.
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引用次数: 0
臺灣媒體報導新冠肺炎假訊息危機:混合法分析科技防疫之個資、隱私、資安議題 台湾媒体报导新冠肺炎假讯息危机:混合法分析科技防疫之个资、隐私、资安议题
Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.53106/172635812023060043006
林翠絹 林翠絹
本混合法研究檢視2020年初臺灣媒體報導新冠肺炎疫情假訊息內容,分析數位防疫之個資、隱私與資安議題呈現趨勢及新聞框架運用。大數據分析顯示:有別於西方報導,臺灣疫情假訊息新聞甚少關注防疫個資與隱私,對資安議題較為重視。公衛危機新聞框架內容分析結果發現:科技防疫報導最常用行動框架,後果與保證框架次之,負面框架(衝突與不確定)較少。個資、隱私和資安報導,及大部分新聞框架選擇,隨著疫情時期變化,呈現顯著性差異。 As COVID-19 was the first global pandemic of the digital age, many countries utilized information technologies and big data as technological epidemic prevention measures which led to controversies regarding personal data misuse, privacy invasion, and security risks. The mixed-method study used big data and content analysis to examine Taiwanese news reports related to personal data, privacy, and security issues in early COVID-19 outbreak. In contrast to Western studies, the results revealed that Taiwanese media reports, under infodemic influences, emphasized the importance of data security over that of protecting personal data and data privacy. Based on news framing of public health crisis, content analysis results showed the dominant use of action framing was followed by consequence and assurance framing, whereas negative framing (conflict and uncertainty) was rarely employed. The news reports about personal data, privacy, and security found statistical differences among three epidemic periods, as did their selection of news framing. 
本混合法研究检视2020年初台湾媒体报导新冠肺炎疫情假讯息内容,分析数位防疫之个资、隐私与资安议题呈现趋势及新闻框架运用。大数据分析显示:有别于西方报导,台湾疫情假讯息新闻甚少关注防疫个资与隐私,对资安议题较为重视。公卫危机新闻框架内容分析结果发现:科技防疫报导最常用行动框架,后果与保证框架次之,负面框架(冲突与不确定)较少。个资、隐私和资安报导,及大部分新闻框架选择,随著疫情时期变化,呈现显著性差异。 As COVID-19 was the first global pandemic of the digital age, many countries utilized information technologies and big data as technological epidemic prevention measures which led to controversies regarding personal data misuse, privacy invasion, and security risks. The mixed-method study used big data and content analysis to examine Taiwanese news reports related to personal data, privacy, and security issues in early COVID-19 outbreak. In contrast to Western studies, the results revealed that Taiwanese media reports, under infodemic influences, emphasized the importance of data security over that of protecting personal data and data privacy. Based on news framing of public health crisis, content analysis results showed the dominant use of action framing was followed by consequence and assurance framing, whereas negative framing (conflict and uncertainty) was rarely employed. The news reports about personal data, privacy, and security found statistical differences among three epidemic periods, as did their selection of news framing.
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引用次数: 0
營收破壞,流通依賴:數位平台對台灣報業與雜誌的經濟衝擊 营收破坏,流通依赖:数位平台对台湾报业与杂志的经济冲击
Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.53106/172635812023060043001
劉昌德 劉昌德, 蔡蕙如 Chang-De Liu, 洪貞玲 Huei-Ju Tsai, 張春炎 張春炎
本研究透過產業問卷調查與對媒體經營者的深度訪談等多種方法,蒐集近十年的產業資料,發現跨國平台對本地新聞出版業造成「營收破壞」與「流通依賴」。新聞業紙本發行減少50%,廣告量分別遽降80% 與60%;兩者在廣告市場占比從合計30% 降到3.5%,網路從20% 提高至65%。Google與Facebook兩大平台在網路廣告市場則估約60-80%。由於流通依賴兩大平台,媒體報導方向朝演算法傾斜。平台單方決定演算法更動與內容審查,形成不平等關係。本研究建議未來應採取演算法公開問責、或向平台抽取特別公課以成立獨立基金等政策,以修補破壞與改變依賴。 Through an industrial questionnaire survey in-depth interviews with publishers, this study examines how digital platforms have affected Taiwanese publishers in the 2010s. Transnational platforms have resulted in revenue destruction and distribution dependency for local news publishers. The circulation of newspapers and magazines has decreased by approximately 50%, and advertising revenue has decreased by 80% and 60% respectively. Newspapers and magazines’ share of the media advertising market has decreased from 30% to 3.5%, and that of the Internet has increased from 20% to 65%. Google and Facebook dominate the advertising market with their collective share of the online advertising market being estimated at 60-80%. The news production has become reliant on these two platforms. Digital platforms determine algorithms, content, and profit sharing and dominate the media. To improve the quality journalism, this paper suggests the transparency of platforms’ algorithms and the establishment of an independent news funds by taxing the platforms. 
本研究透过产业问卷调查与对媒体经营者的深度访谈等多种方法,搜集近十年的产业资料,发现跨国平台对本地新闻出版业造成「营收破坏」与「流通依赖」。新闻业纸本发行减少50%,广告量分别遽降80% 与60%;两者在广告市场占比从合计30% 降到3.5%,网路从20% 提高至65%。Google与Facebook两大平台在网路广告市场则估约60-80%。由于流通依赖两大平台,媒体报导方向朝演算法倾斜。平台单方决定演算法更动与内容审查,形成不平等关系。本研究建议未来应采取演算法公开问责、或向平台抽取特别公课以成立独立基金等政策,以修补破坏与改变依赖。 Through an industrial questionnaire survey in-depth interviews with publishers, this study examines how digital platforms have affected Taiwanese publishers in the 2010s. Transnational platforms have resulted in revenue destruction and distribution dependency for local news publishers. The circulation of newspapers and magazines has decreased by approximately 50%, and advertising revenue has decreased by 80% and 60% respectively. Newspapers and magazines’ share of the media advertising market has decreased from 30% to 3.5%, and that of the Internet has increased from 20% to 65%. Google and Facebook dominate the advertising market with their collective share of the online advertising market being estimated at 60-80%. The news production has become reliant on these two platforms. Digital platforms determine algorithms, content, and profit sharing and dominate the media. To improve the quality journalism, this paper suggests the transparency of platforms’ algorithms and the establishment of an independent news funds by taxing the platforms.
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引用次数: 0
以公共政策介入手段扶持新聞業存續與發展:平台問責途徑與公共預算途徑的跨國比較 以公共政策介入手段扶持新闻业存续与发展:平台问责途径与公共预算途径的跨国比较
Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.53106/172635812023060043003
羅世宏 羅世宏
新聞產業的商業模式因數位平台壟斷、新聞消費行為改變與廣告收入減少而崩壞。這不僅是新聞業生存的經濟問題,更是攸關民主正當性的政治問題。本文認為,僅靠新聞業自身的數位創新與轉型無法解決這個危機,政府必須透過公共政策介入。本文提出兩種解決途徑:平台問責與公共預算。除了進行跨國比較外,本文還評估這兩種途徑各自的方案,分析優劣,並探討跨國實踐經驗對臺灣新聞政策的啟示。 The collapse of the news industry’s business model is due to the monopolization of digital platforms, changes in news consumption behavior, and a reduction in advertising revenue. This is not only an economic matter concerning the survival of the news industry, but also a political matter concerning the legitimacy of democracy. This paper argues that the crisis in the news industry cannot be resolved solely through digital innovation and transformation, but instead that urgent government intervention through appropriate public policy measures is required. This paper also proposes two solutions to the crisis: platform accountability and public expenditure. In addition to conducting international comparisons, this article evaluates the various options contained in each solution, analyzes their advantages and disadvantages, and discusses the implications of international practices and experience for Taiwan’s journalism policy. 
新闻产业的商业模式因数位平台垄断、新闻消费行为改变与广告收入减少而崩坏。这不仅是新闻业生存的经济问题,更是攸关民主正当性的政治问题。本文认为,仅靠新闻业自身的数位创新与转型无法解决这个危机,政府必须透过公共政策介入。本文提出两种解决途径:平台问责与公共预算。除了进行跨国比较外,本文还评估这两种途径各自的方案,分析优劣,并探讨跨国实践经验对台湾新闻政策的启示。 The collapse of the news industry’s business model is due to the monopolization of digital platforms, changes in news consumption behavior, and a reduction in advertising revenue. This is not only an economic matter concerning the survival of the news industry, but also a political matter concerning the legitimacy of democracy. This paper argues that the crisis in the news industry cannot be resolved solely through digital innovation and transformation, but instead that urgent government intervention through appropriate public policy measures is required. This paper also proposes two solutions to the crisis: platform accountability and public expenditure. In addition to conducting international comparisons, this article evaluates the various options contained in each solution, analyzes their advantages and disadvantages, and discusses the implications of international practices and experience for Taiwan’s journalism policy.
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引用次数: 0
色彩喧囂的年代:1970年代初期的彩色電視發展狀況之回顧 色彩喧嚣的年代:1970年代初期的彩色电视发展状况之回顾
Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.53106/172635812022120042004
柯裕棻 柯裕棻
本文重探1970 年前後我國彩色電視發展的過程。主要討論彩色電視引入之際,在經濟、社會與政治權力組合中,經過一連串的文化和技術轉譯,在不同媒介和組織之間如何相互影響。它引發的狂熱情感經驗也使得政治權力開始緊張,繼而影響權力集團的運作。其間,臺語節目幾度成為文化位階和市場競爭的關鍵。本文梳理當時對於電視臺競爭的看法、彩色電視機的普及狀況,以及由電視節目引發的熱情和恐慌,並總和討論文化形式、技術與權力之間的關係。 This paper presents an analysis of the domestication of color television in early 1970s Taiwan. As an imported technology, color television was introduced through various political initiatives and cultural translations and was therefore entangled with economic and political power. The sudden shift in the Kuomintang’s language and media policies when the party was confronted with and overwhelmed by new modes of popular culture reflected in the new medium of color television is explored herein. 
本文重探1970 年前后我国彩色电视发展的过程。主要讨论彩色电视引入之际,在经济、社会与政治权力组合中,经过一连串的文化和技术转译,在不同媒介和组织之间如何相互影响。它引发的狂热情感经验也使得政治权力开始紧张,继而影响权力集团的运作。其间,台语节目几度成为文化位阶和市场竞争的关键。本文梳理当时对于电视台竞争的看法、彩色电视机的普及状况,以及由电视节目引发的热情和恐慌,并总和讨论文化形式、技术与权力之间的关系。 This paper presents an analysis of the domestication of color television in early 1970s Taiwan. As an imported technology, color television was introduced through various political initiatives and cultural translations and was therefore entangled with economic and political power. The sudden shift in the Kuomintang’s language and media policies when the party was confronted with and overwhelmed by new modes of popular culture reflected in the new medium of color television is explored herein.
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引用次数: 0
理解印刷文化史:關鍵詞的形式與交互方法——兼談《紙還有未來嗎?》的啟示 理解印刷文化史:关键词的形式与交互方法——兼谈《纸还有未来吗?》的启示
Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.53106/172635812022120042008
楊石華 楊石華
《紙還有未來嗎?:一部印刷文化史》以關鍵詞的形式和交互的方法為讀者提供了一份關於18、19 世紀的西方印刷文化史知識地圖。「組論小組」基於交互概念的創新視角與方法對18 個關鍵詞進行了細緻地研究,向讀者揭示了三種不同類型的印刷交互實踐。該書對中國印刷文化史研究者的啟示是,研究者需要重視印刷實踐中作為交互基礎的物質性、聚焦微觀視角下的本土印刷交互實踐、關注印刷域中的媒介化配置。 Interacting with Print: Elements of Reading in the Era of Print Saturation provides readers with a knowledge map of Western printing culture in the 18th and 19th centuries through keywords and interactive methods. The Multigraph Collective presents a detailed study of 18 keywords, revealing the interaction between people and printed matter, the interaction between printed matter and nonprinted matter, and the practice of interpersonal interaction in printed matter. The book suggests that researchers who study Chinese printing culture should pay attention to materiality as the basis of interaction in printing practice, focus on the interactive practice in local printing from a micro perspective, and pay attention to the media configuration in the media spheres of printing. 
《纸还有未来吗?:一部印刷文化史》以关键词的形式和交互的方法为读者提供了一份关于18、19 世纪的西方印刷文化史知识地图。「组论小组」基于交互概念的创新视角与方法对18 个关键词进行了细致地研究,向读者揭示了三种不同类型的印刷交互实践。该书对中国印刷文化史研究者的启示是,研究者需要重视印刷实践中作为交互基础的物质性、聚焦微观视角下的本土印刷交互实践、关注印刷域中的媒介化配置。 Interacting with Print: Elements of Reading in the Era of Print Saturation provides readers with a knowledge map of Western printing culture in the 18th and 19th centuries through keywords and interactive methods. The Multigraph Collective presents a detailed study of 18 keywords, revealing the interaction between people and printed matter, the interaction between printed matter and nonprinted matter, and the practice of interpersonal interaction in printed matter. The book suggests that researchers who study Chinese printing culture should pay attention to materiality as the basis of interaction in printing practice, focus on the interactive practice in local printing from a micro perspective, and pay attention to the media configuration in the media spheres of printing.
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引用次数: 0
「三民主義新聞制度」下的公共電視藍圖:紀念李瞻先生1970年代改革「老三台」的理想 「三民主义新闻制度」下的公共电视蓝图:纪念李瞻先生1970年代改革「老三台」的理想
Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.53106/172635812022120042005
邱家宜 邱家宜
李瞻 1970 年代開始倡議公共電視,為臺灣傳播學界第一人。他反對老三台廣告競爭、節目品質低劣、方言節目過多,主張立法轉為公共電視。他在戒嚴與言論管制環境中,以「三民主義新聞制度」為實施公共電視的理論基礎,假設國家領導人道德、智慧必然高超,主張行政權主導,與 1997 年通過之《公共電視法》強調立法權不同。由於政治解嚴、社會民主化,已賦予「公共電視」不同脈絡,後繼倡議者,未奉李瞻為先驅,但同樣面對政治與經濟各種阻力。 In the 1970s, Li Zhan was the first to advocate the establishment of public television in Taiwan. Li Zhan believed that public television was the best television system for Taiwan. He opposed the advertising competition, low-quality programs, and dialect programs of the “old three television stations” and claimed to convert them into public television through legislation. He campaigned for public television realization under martial law, proposing the “Three People’s Principles News System” as the theoretical basis for such implementation. It assumed dictatorial leaders must be morally and intellectually superior and should play a leading role in public television although the 1997 Public Television Act emphasizes legislative approval. Taiwan’s social democratization has engendered a different context for “public television.” Consequently, subsequent advocates for the establishment of public television did not follow Li Zhan’s ideas when facing opposition from the political and economic sectors. 
李瞻 1970 年代开始倡议公共电视,为台湾传播学界第一人。他反对老三台广告竞争、节目品质低劣、方言节目过多,主张立法转为公共电视。他在戒严与言论管制环境中,以「三民主义新闻制度」为实施公共电视的理论基础,假设国家领导人道德、智慧必然高超,主张行政权主导,与 1997 年通过之《公共电视法》强调立法权不同。由于政治解严、社会民主化,已赋予「公共电视」不同脉络,后继倡议者,未奉李瞻为先驱,但同样面对政治与经济各种阻力。 In the 1970s, Li Zhan was the first to advocate the establishment of public television in Taiwan. Li Zhan believed that public television was the best television system for Taiwan. He opposed the advertising competition, low-quality programs, and dialect programs of the “old three television stations” and claimed to convert them into public television through legislation. He campaigned for public television realization under martial law, proposing the “Three People’s Principles News System” as the theoretical basis for such implementation. It assumed dictatorial leaders must be morally and intellectually superior and should play a leading role in public television although the 1997 Public Television Act emphasizes legislative approval. Taiwan’s social democratization has engendered a different context for “public television.” Consequently, subsequent advocates for the establishment of public television did not follow Li Zhan’s ideas when facing opposition from the political and economic sectors.
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引用次数: 0
臺灣電視歷史發展的新眼光:論教育電視作為一種批判戰後臺灣民主工具化的印證 台湾电视历史发展的新眼光:论教育电视作为一种批判战后台湾民主工具化的印证
Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.53106/172635812022120042001
程宗明 程宗明
臺灣電視發展的論述,認定商業電視為先、公共電視續後之論,本研究重新檢視,提出補充。匯集當年(1956-1962)籌畫教育電視到試播之史實,從歷史檢視與政經批判,發現是一個凸顯五零年代,處於美援民主價值,對立蔣介石威權重整之矛盾,而意外成功的案例。一個傳播新科技的建設,顯著帶來公共利益,讓有志者突破財政限制,與商業利益分道揚鑣。1958 年一個意外的人事任命,開啟可能,從電機工程迴避爭辯,由硬體策略進入,達到試播與先發。 The establishment of Taiwan television is documenting firmly upon the great influence of American commercial broadcasting on its postwar nationbuilding. This research is questioning the above saying by one rediscovered upon the debate for educational TV (ETV) from 1956 to 1962.Based on the recent unearthed documents, one revisited this topic is significant. According to the biographical study on certain figures led the Ministry of Education, to introduce the concept of ETV and its policy is gone through a contradictory process between U.S. democracy introduction and its backlash from taking back control by authoritarian state. The short success of educational TV service in 1962 is overshadowed immediately by Chiang Kai-shek’s will to overthrown the liberal democracy channeled by U.S. aid. However, the transition to monopoly media and state in sixties documented by this criticism is shed the light on the study of emergent TV in Taiwan. 
台湾电视发展的论述,认定商业电视为先、公共电视续后之论,本研究重新检视,提出补充。汇集当年(1956-1962)筹划教育电视到试播之史实,从历史检视与政经批判,发现是一个凸显五零年代,处于美援民主价值,对立蒋介石威权重整之矛盾,而意外成功的案例。一个传播新科技的建设,显著带来公共利益,让有志者突破财政限制,与商业利益分道扬镳。1958 年一个意外的人事任命,开启可能,从电机工程回避争辩,由硬体策略进入,达到试播与先发。 The establishment of Taiwan television is documenting firmly upon the great influence of American commercial broadcasting on its postwar nationbuilding. This research is questioning the above saying by one rediscovered upon the debate for educational TV (ETV) from 1956 to 1962.Based on the recent unearthed documents, one revisited this topic is significant. According to the biographical study on certain figures led the Ministry of Education, to introduce the concept of ETV and its policy is gone through a contradictory process between U.S. democracy introduction and its backlash from taking back control by authoritarian state. The short success of educational TV service in 1962 is overshadowed immediately by Chiang Kai-shek’s will to overthrown the liberal democracy channeled by U.S. aid. However, the transition to monopoly media and state in sixties documented by this criticism is shed the light on the study of emergent TV in Taiwan.
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引用次数: 0
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中華傳播學刊
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