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Against strike-outs for disproportionality 反对因比例失调而罢工
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17577632.2020.1779555
Harry Stratton
ABSTRACT This article argues against the court striking out defamation claims on the basis that they are ‘disproportionate’, that is, they cost more to litigate than they raise in damages. We begin by setting out the so-called problem of disproportionality. Next, we show that the court’s current solution of striking out the claimant’s claim should be rejected in defamation cases. The value of the claim is partly subjective and not purely monetary, such that its true costs and benefits are better reflected in the parties’ willingness to fight the case on its merits rather than the court’s comparison of the money sums involved. In any event, if the court must refuse to hear the case, it should be willing to strike out the defendant’s defence rather than the claimant’s claim in appropriate cases – because it is often hearing the defence, rather than the claim, that causes disproportionate expenditure in defamation cases.
摘要本文反对法院驳回诽谤索赔,理由是这些索赔“不相称”,也就是说,诉讼成本高于赔偿金。我们首先提出所谓的不均衡问题。接下来,我们展示了法院目前驳回原告索赔的解决方案在诽谤案件中应该被驳回。索赔的价值在一定程度上是主观的,而不是纯粹的金钱,因此其真实成本和收益更好地反映在当事方根据案情进行诉讼的意愿上,而不是法院对所涉金额的比较上。在任何情况下,如果法院必须拒绝审理此案,在适当的情况下,它应该愿意驳回被告的辩护,而不是原告的索赔——因为在诽谤案件中,法院往往是在听取辩护,而非索赔,这会导致不成比例的支出。
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引用次数: 0
Terrorism, the internet, and the threat to freedom of expression: the regulation of digital intermediaries in Europe and the United States 恐怖主义、互联网和对言论自由的威胁:欧洲和美国对数字中介机构的监管
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17577632.2020.1760474
Elisabeth Bechtold
ABSTRACT This article examines questions relating to the appropriate role of digital intermediaries in regulating online terrorist-related content and the extent to which proponents of human rights should be concerned with the free speech implications of intermediary liability, through a comparative analysis of recent developments in Europe and the United States. While Europe is contemplating introducing compulsory frameworks to regulate intermediaries, the United States is continuing to apply existing frameworks that incorporate traditional notions of harm and causation and immunise intermediaries for the expression of third party users. Ultimately, this examination leads to the conclusion that compulsory regulation of intermediaries for online terrorist-related speech creates significant dangers to the exercise of free speech, the effects of which ripple far beyond the terrestrial borders of those jurisdictions engaging in such regulation.
摘要本文通过对欧洲和美国最近事态发展的比较分析,探讨了数字中介在监管网络恐怖相关内容方面的适当作用,以及人权倡导者应在多大程度上关注中介责任对言论自由的影响。虽然欧洲正在考虑引入强制性框架来监管中介机构,但美国正在继续应用现有框架,其中纳入了伤害和因果关系的传统概念,并为第三方用户的表达免疫中介机构。最终,这项审查得出的结论是,对网络恐怖分子相关言论中介机构的强制监管对言论自由的行使造成了重大危险,其影响远远超出了参与此类监管的司法管辖区的陆地边界。
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引用次数: 2
Gender portrayals in advertising: stereotypes, inclusive marketing and regulation 广告中的性别形象:陈规定型观念、包容性营销和监管
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17577632.2020.1783125
A. Antoniou, Dimitris Akrivos
ABSTRACT This article evaluates regulatory responses to stereotypical gender portrayals in advertising in the UK before and after the 2019 changes in the Advertising Standards Authority's (ASA) harm and offensiveness framework. It systematises for the first time the ASA's rulings in this territory and brings a new perspective in its modern practice by examining it within Deaux and Lewis’ theoretical framework on the multicomponent structure of gender stereotypes. We argue that the ASA's new rule and guidelines represent a missed opportunity to take bolder steps against ads that objectify or inappropriately sexualise individuals and are not sufficiently attentive to the multi-faceted nature and fluidity of modern gender identities. We conclude by making recommendations for improving the effectiveness and implementation of the ASA's guidance on the depiction of gender stereotypes.
摘要本文评估了2019年广告标准管理局(ASA)伤害和冒犯框架发生变化前后,英国对广告中刻板性别描述的监管回应。它首次将ASA在该领域的裁决系统化,并通过在Deaux和Lewis关于性别刻板印象的多成分结构的理论框架内对其进行审查,为其现代实践带来了新的视角。我们认为,美国广告标准协会的新规则和指导方针错过了一个机会,无法对那些将个人物化或不恰当地性化的广告采取更大胆的措施,也没有充分关注现代性别认同的多方面性质和流动性。最后,我们提出了一些建议,以提高ASA关于描述性别陈规定型观念的指导意见的有效性和执行情况。
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引用次数: 4
Positive free speech. Rationales, methods and implications, hart 积极的言论自由。基本原理、方法和含义,hart
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17577632.2020.1790864
Jan Oster
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引用次数: 0
More serious harm than good? An empirical observation and analysis of the effects of the serious harm requirement in section 1(1) of the Defamation Act 2013 弊大于利?对2013年《诽谤法》第1(1)条中严重损害要求的影响进行实证观察和分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3473183
C. Sewell
ABSTRACT This article empirically analyses the judicial construction of section 1(1) of the Defamation Act 2013 within the first five years of the serious reputational harm threshold coming into operation. The relevant judgments considering serious harm have been carefully examined and dissected with a qualitative analysis approach, in which prominent themes and factors discussed in judicial interpretations have been distilled and evaluated. To this pursuit, the analysis investigates the evolution of judicial opinion in the development of section 1(1), exhibiting the merits of a multi-circumstantial approach in assessing the existence or likelihood of serious reputational harm in line with the leading Supreme Court construction of the serious harm test.
摘要本文实证分析了2013年《诽谤法》第1(1)条在严重声誉损害阈值生效的前五年内的司法构建。运用定性分析的方法,对考虑严重危害的相关判决进行了仔细的审查和剖析,提炼和评价了司法解释中讨论的突出主题和因素。为此,该分析调查了第1(1)条制定过程中司法意见的演变,显示了根据最高法院对严重损害测试的主要构建,在评估严重声誉损害的存在或可能性时采用多环境方法的优点。
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引用次数: 0
Privacy, reputation and alleged wrongdoing: why police investigations should not be regarded as private 隐私、名誉和所谓的不法行为:为什么警方的调查不应被视为隐私
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-12-17 DOI: 10.1080/17577632.2019.1697475
N. Moreham
A handful of recent English authorities have held that, up to the point of charge, individuals will usually have a reasonable expectation of privacy in respect of police investigations into their c...
最近的一些英国当局认为,在被指控之前,个人通常会对警方调查他们的隐私有合理的期望。
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引用次数: 0
Keeping the demos out of liberal democracy? Participatory politics, ‘fake news’ and the online speaker 把民众挡在自由民主之外?参与式政治、“假新闻”和网络演讲者
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-26 DOI: 10.1080/17577632.2019.1697477
I. Cram
How do liberal democracies respond to the fact of multiple speakers in public discourse? Previous approaches to media regulation were predicated upon a few speakers-many readers/listeners/viewers m...
自由民主国家如何应对公共话语中有多个发言人的事实?以前的媒体监管方法是基于少数演讲者——许多读者/听众/观众。。。
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引用次数: 2
The Internet, warts and all. Free speech, privacy and truth 互联网,缺点和所有。言论自由、隐私和真相
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17577632.2020.1727155
A. Koltay
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引用次数: 2
New media and freedom of expression 新媒体与言论自由
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17577632.2019.1708010
Peter Coe
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引用次数: 1
Fake news, French Law and democratic legitimacy: lessons for the United Kingdom? 假新闻、法国法律和民主合法性:英国的教训?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17577632.2019.1679424
Rachael Craufurd Smith
ABSTRACT The United Kingdom is currently examining far-reaching regulatory proposals designed to address the online transmission of harmful content, including disinformation. Of particular interest, therefore, is French Law no. 2018–1202 on the ‘fight against the manipulation of information’. The French Law establishes a fast-track civil procedure to tackle the transmission of false information prior to key elections and referenda; addresses foreign state-funded broadcast propaganda; and seeks to enhance transparency regarding the financing and distribution of online content. Restrictions on the transmission of information, particularly in the run-up to elections, are inherently suspect and the Conseil constitutionnel carefully reviewed the French proposals to ensure that any constraints on freedom of expression were both justified and necessary. French Law 2018–1202 thus offers an example of a rather ‘muscular’ form of intervention in the election field, but one which seeks to preserve democratic legitimacy without undermining the individual freedoms on which it rests.
摘要英国目前正在研究影响深远的监管提案,旨在解决包括虚假信息在内的有害内容的在线传播问题。因此,特别令人感兴趣的是法国关于“打击信息操纵”的第2018-1202号法律。法国法律规定了一个快速民事程序,以处理在关键选举和公民投票之前传递虚假信息的问题;处理外国国家资助的广播宣传;并寻求提高在线内容融资和分发的透明度。对信息传播的限制,特别是在选举前的限制,本身就是可疑的,宪法委员会仔细审查了法国的提案,以确保对言论自由的任何限制都是合理和必要的。因此,法国2018–1202号法律提供了一个在选举领域进行相当“有力”干预的例子,但它寻求在不破坏其所依赖的个人自由的情况下维护民主合法性。
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引用次数: 16
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Journal of Media Law
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