Pub Date : 2023-10-30DOI: 10.1080/09615768.2023.2263918
K. D. Ewing
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Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1080/09615768.2023.2254674
Cynthia Barrow-Giles, Ronnie R. F. Yearwood
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 For a discussion on the theory of referendums, see S. Tierney, Constitutional Referendums: A Theoretical Enquiry (n 1).
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Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.1080/09615768.2023.2256213
Lorne Walker-Nolan
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See introduction to the Australia Constitution which states that the country is ‘indissoluble’. See Article 39 of the Ethiopian Constitution which permits secession.2 Mark McLaughlin and Sara Wildernberg, ‘We Will Hold Referendum Come What May, Nicola Sturgeon Tells Rishi Sunak’ The Times (11 November 2022) accessed 18 August 2023.3 There is a precedent in s 1 Northern Ireland Act 1998 as part of the Good Friday Agreement.4 Reference by the Lord Advocate of devolution issues under paragraph 34 of Schedule 6 to the Scotland Act [2022] UKSC 31.5 The Spanish Constitution, art. 149.1.32.6 STC 32/2015 de 25 de febrero Disposición 2833 del BOE núm. 64 de 2015 (in Spanish).7 Judgement No. 118. Year 2015 Italian Constitutional Court. S118_2015_en.pdf (cortecostituzionale.it). German Federal Constitutional Court. BVerfG, Beschluss vom 16.12.2016–2 BvR 349/16 (cf.). It was a resolution (Beschluss), not a judgement (Entscheidung/Urteil).8 Ethiopian Constitution, art 39.9 St Kitts and Nevis Constitution, s 113.10 Ibid.11 ‘Advocate General: Scottish Government consultation won't remove legal problem with referendum16 January 2012’ accessed 17 August 2023.12 Agreement between the United Kingdom Government and the Scottish Government on a referendum on independence for Scotland (The Edinburgh Agreement). 15 October 2012.13 Lorne Walker-Nolan. Chess, ´Brexit, ‘El Proces’ and Referenda’ (Spain in English, 27 May 2019). accessed 17 August 2023.14 Peter Radan, ‘Secessionist Referenda in International and Domestic Law’ (2012) 18 Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 8, 14.15 Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement, 15 August 2005.16 Günter Rautz, ‘South Tyrolean Autonomy as a Model for Coexistence between Ethnic Groups’ in Zoltán Kantor (ed), Autonomies in Europe: Solutions and Challenges (2014). For more, see Pau Bossacoma i Busquets. Justícia i legalitat de la secessió Una teoria de l’autodeterminació nacional des de Cataluny (Generalitat de Catalunya, Institut d’Estudis Autonòmics 2015) (in Catalan).17 Sam Jones, ‘Separatist movement in Catalonia steps up battle with Madrid’ The Guardian (28 July 2016) < https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jul/27/catalonia-independence-spain-democratic-mandate > accessed 17 August 2023.18 Moreover, even clear majorities in unilateral referendums such as in Somaliland and Krajina were an irrelevance, as were those with high turnouts such as in Tartarstan. See Matt Qvortrup, ‘Breaking up is Hard to D
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1见《澳大利亚宪法》导言,其中规定澳大利亚是“不可分割的”国家。见允许分离的埃塞俄比亚宪法第39条Mark McLaughlin和Sara Wildernberg,“无论发生什么事,我们都会举行公投,Nicola Sturgeon告诉Rishi Sunak”,《泰晤士报》(2022年11月11日)于2023.3年8月18日查阅。作为耶稣受难日协议的一部分,1998年北爱尔兰法案第1条有一个先例。149.1.32.6 STC 32/2015年2月25日Disposición 2833 del BOE núm。64 de 2015(西班牙语)第118号判决书2015年意大利宪法法院。S118_2015_en.pdf (cortecostituzionale.it)。德国联邦宪法法院。BVerfG, bchluss, 16.12.2016-2 BvR 349/16 (cf.)。这是一项决议,而不是一项判决埃塞俄比亚宪法,第39.9条圣基茨和尼维斯宪法,第113.10同上11“总检察长:苏格兰政府协商不会消除全民公决的法律问题2012年1月16日”参见2023年8月17日联合王国政府和苏格兰政府关于苏格兰独立公投的协议(《爱丁堡协议》)。2012.13 Lorne Walker-Nolan。国际象棋,“脱欧”,“进程”和公投(西班牙语,2019年5月27日)。Peter Radan,“国际法和国内法中的分离主义公投”(2012)18民族主义和民族政治8,14.15印度尼西亚共和国政府与自由亚齐运动之间的谅解备忘录,2005年8月15日;g<s:1> nter Rautz,“南蒂罗尔自治作为族群间共存的模式”,Zoltán Kantor(主编),欧洲自治:解决方案和挑战(2014)。更多信息,请参见保罗·博萨科马·布斯克茨。17 . Justícia i legalitat de la secessió Una teoria de l 'autodeterminació nacional des de catalonia(加泰罗尼亚政府,Institut d ' eststudis Autonòmics 2015)(加泰罗尼亚语)《卫报》(2016年7月28日)< https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jul/27/catalonia-independence-spain-democratic-mandate >于2023.18年8月17日访问。此外,即使在索马里兰和克拉伊纳等单方面公投中明显多数也是无关紧要的,在鞑靼斯坦等投票率很高的地区也是如此。参见Matt Qvortrup的《分手很难》:《关于科索沃单方面宣布独立的国际法》,2010年7月22日,同上,223.21受国际联盟理事会委托,就奥兰群岛问题的法律方面提出咨询意见的国际法学家委员会的报告。1920.22这一观点得到了联合国秘书长吴丹的回应,他于1970年在比夫拉问题上表示,“就一个会员国的特定部分脱离国家的问题而言,联合国的态度是明确的。”作为一个国际组织,联合国从来没有接受,现在也不接受,而且我认为它永远也不会接受其部分成员国脱离的原则。1970年2月《联合国月报》第2期,第36页,1992年时任联合国秘书长布特罗斯·布特罗斯-加利再次重申,“如果每个种族、宗教或语言群体都要求建立国家,那么分裂将是无止境的”。《和平议程:预防性外交、缔造和平与维持和平》是联合国秘书长布特罗斯·布特罗斯-加利于1992年撰写的一份报告。23萨拉·普里姆,《奥巴马希望美国与“一个强大而统一的西班牙”保持关系》,加泰罗尼亚新闻(2015年9月16日)2023年8月17日查阅。24安东尼奥·卡塞塞,《人民自决:法律重新评估》(剑桥大学出版社1995年)119-20.25罗伯特·马昆德。“为什么科索沃的独立申请是独一无二的”基督教科学箴言报(2008年2月15日)2023.8月18日查阅Qvortrup (n 19) 649.27同上同上外交大臣关于库尔德斯坦地区政府打算就从伊拉克独立举行全民公决的声明查阅2023.8月17日意大利宪法法院。2015年第118号判决。法院基本上支持威尼托地区就独立问题举行公民投票的挑战,理由是这些挑战涉及宪法一级的基本选择,根据宪法法院的判例法,这些选择本身被排除在区域公民投票的范围之外。 31 Miquel Noguer, ' Mas phone rumbo a la autodeterminación ' El País(2012年9月25日),可于2023年8月18日查阅(西班牙文)加泰罗尼亚法令129/2014.33西班牙宪法法院STC138/2015年6月11日西班牙宪法法院STC 259/2015年7月2日。35Aleix Moldes,“首席执行官民意调查:超过75%的加泰罗尼亚人将在单方面公投中投票”(Ara英文版,2017年3月31日)访问2023.8月17日,“法定保证委员会支持公投拨款,但否认政府的能力”,加泰罗尼亚新闻社(2017年3月3日)访问2023.37 Victor Ferreres Comella。《加泰罗尼亚分离主义运动与欧洲——对威尼斯委员会第827/2015号意见的评论》,Verfassungsblog(2017年3月22日),2023.8月17日,威尼斯委员会,西班牙,第827/2015号意见。Lorne Walker-Nolan,“政治分离公投及其召集和批准:一个比较研究”(2018)25《少数民族和群体权利国际杂志》591-620.40,参见“西班牙:宪法法院10月3日第2/1979号组织法的改革”。加泰罗尼亚地区议会关于UDI的声明,2017年10月27日,摘自2023年8月18日;参见法国的回应“目录:埃马纽埃尔·马克龙apporte son”plein soutien“<s:1>马里亚诺·拉霍伊”法语,以及美国的回应,“美国:加泰罗尼亚是西班牙不可分割的一部分”,访问日期为2023.42年8月18日CEO。Baròmetre d'Opinió Política。2 . onada 2023 (gencat.cat)第5部分(加泰罗尼亚语)同上,72.44 McLaughlin, Wildernberg (n 3).45《每日记录》(2022年11月23日)访问2023.8月18日,卡特琳·布西(Katrine Bussey),《苏格兰民族党独立计划中的专家说,没有所谓的事实上的公投》,《独立报》(2022年6月29日)访问2023.8月18日,Ibid.49 CEO。Baròmetre d'Opinió Política。3 . onada 2022(西班牙语)31(加泰罗尼亚语)《爱尔兰时报》(2020年2月7日)于2023年8月18日访问《苏格兰斯特金拒绝举行新的独立公投,直到大多数苏格兰人被说服》(路透社)于2016年4月20日访问《苏格兰民族党希望民意调查显示60%的人支持独立,然后再举行公投》(2015年10月18日)于2023
{"title":"The Inadequacy of Unilateral Secession Referendums in Modern Democracies","authors":"Lorne Walker-Nolan","doi":"10.1080/09615768.2023.2256213","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09615768.2023.2256213","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See introduction to the Australia Constitution which states that the country is ‘indissoluble’. See Article 39 of the Ethiopian Constitution which permits secession.2 Mark McLaughlin and Sara Wildernberg, ‘We Will Hold Referendum Come What May, Nicola Sturgeon Tells Rishi Sunak’ The Times (11 November 2022) <https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/we-will-hold-referendum-come-what-may-nicola-sturgeon-tells-rishi-sunak--r09k2tbgn> accessed 18 August 2023.3 There is a precedent in s 1 Northern Ireland Act 1998 as part of the Good Friday Agreement.4 Reference by the Lord Advocate of devolution issues under paragraph 34 of Schedule 6 to the Scotland Act [2022] UKSC 31.5 The Spanish Constitution, art. 149.1.32.6 STC 32/2015 de 25 de febrero Disposición 2833 del BOE núm. 64 de 2015 (in Spanish).7 Judgement No. 118. Year 2015 Italian Constitutional Court. S118_2015_en.pdf (cortecostituzionale.it). German Federal Constitutional Court. BVerfG, Beschluss vom 16.12.2016–2 BvR 349/16 (cf.). It was a resolution (Beschluss), not a judgement (Entscheidung/Urteil).8 Ethiopian Constitution, art 39.9 St Kitts and Nevis Constitution, s 113.10 Ibid.11 ‘Advocate General: Scottish Government consultation won't remove legal problem with referendum16 January 2012’ <https://www.gov.uk/government/news/advocate-general-scottish-government-consultation-wont-remove-legal-problem-with-referendum> accessed 17 August 2023.12 Agreement between the United Kingdom Government and the Scottish Government on a referendum on independence for Scotland (The Edinburgh Agreement). 15 October 2012.13 Lorne Walker-Nolan. Chess, ´Brexit, ‘El Proces’ and Referenda’ (Spain in English, 27 May 2019). <https://www.spainenglish.com/2019/05/27/opinion-chess-brexit-proces-referenda/> accessed 17 August 2023.14 Peter Radan, ‘Secessionist Referenda in International and Domestic Law’ (2012) 18 Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 8, 14.15 Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement, 15 August 2005.16 Günter Rautz, ‘South Tyrolean Autonomy as a Model for Coexistence between Ethnic Groups’ in Zoltán Kantor (ed), Autonomies in Europe: Solutions and Challenges (2014). For more, see Pau Bossacoma i Busquets. Justícia i legalitat de la secessió Una teoria de l’autodeterminació nacional des de Cataluny (Generalitat de Catalunya, Institut d’Estudis Autonòmics 2015) (in Catalan).17 Sam Jones, ‘Separatist movement in Catalonia steps up battle with Madrid’ The Guardian (28 July 2016) < https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jul/27/catalonia-independence-spain-democratic-mandate > accessed 17 August 2023.18 Moreover, even clear majorities in unilateral referendums such as in Somaliland and Krajina were an irrelevance, as were those with high turnouts such as in Tartarstan. See Matt Qvortrup, ‘Breaking up is Hard to D","PeriodicalId":38410,"journal":{"name":"King''s Law Journal","volume":"79 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136135739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/09615768.2023.2258578
Theresa Reidy
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Pub Date : 2023-09-18DOI: 10.1080/09615768.2023.2253593
Kate Andrias
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 See Guy Davidov, Mark Freedland and Nicola Kountouris, ‘The Subjects of Labor Law: “Employees” and Other Workers’ in Matthew Finkin and Guy Mundlak (eds), Research Handbook in Comparative Labor Law (Edward Elgar Publishing 2015); Veena Dubal, ‘The New Racial Wage Code’ (2021) 15 Harv L Pol’y Rev 512, 529.2 The status of rideshare drivers may soon change given a recent decision from the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), The Atlantic Opera Inc NLRB 10-RC-276292 (2023), and a pending rule from DOL, Employee or Independent Contractor Classification Under the Fair Labor Standards Act, 87 Fed Reg 62218 (proposed 13 October 2022) (to be codified at scattered sections of 29 CFR), both of which make it harder for firms to classify workers as independent contractors.3 However, they must do so consistent with federal antitrust law. See Chamber of Commerce v Seattle, 890 F3d 769 (9th Cir 2018) (striking down Seattle ordinance providing collective bargaining rights to ride share drivers for failing to fall within the state action exemption to federal antitrust law). But see Confederación Hípica de Puerto Rico, Inc. v. Confederación de Jinetes Puertorriqueños Inc 30 F4th 306, 313 (1st Cir 2022) (holding that the labour exemption from the antitrust laws, which exempts labour disputes that ‘concern[] terms or conditions of employment’ encompasses concerted action by independent contractors that relates to an employer—employee relationship).4 Dynamex Operations West Inc v Superior Court of Los Angeles County 4 Cal 5th 903 (2018) (adopting the so-called ‘ABC test,’ which allows employers to classify workers as independent contractors only if the worker is free from the employer’s control both in theory and in practice; the worker performs work outside of the employer’s usual course of business; and the worker is engaged in a customarily independent trade); see also Guy Davidov and Pnina Alon-Shenker, ‘The ABC Test: A New Model for Employment Status Determinations’ (2022) 51 Industrial L Rev 235, 236–37.5 AB5, 2019 Leg Sess (Cal 2019) (hereafter AB5).6 Dubal (n 1) 529.7 Josh Eidelson, ‘Teamsters Union Splits from Uber and Lyft on California Worker Rights Law’ (Bloomberg 25 July 25 2019) (describing Governor Newsom's efforts to get unions and platform companies to agree to a compromise). In its final form, the bill exempted some categories of workers, including insurance professionals, certain healthcare workers, other heavily licensed workers like lawyers and accountants. AB5 (n 5) § 2(b). The legislature also added an exemption for musical artists in September 2020. AB 2257, ch 38, 2019–2020 Reg Sess § 2780(a)(4)(C) (Cal 2020). It also allowed them to form collective bargaining agreements defining their employment status. Ibid. For a further discussion of the exemptions to the law, see Davidov and Alon-Shenker (n 4).8 AB5 (n 5) § 2(i)(3).9 AB5 (n 5) § 1.10 Cal Business & Professional Code § 16703
注1参见Guy Davidov, Mark Freedland和Nicola Kountouris,“劳动法的主体:“雇员”和其他工人”,Matthew Finkin和Guy Mundlak(编),《比较劳动法研究手册》(Edward Elgar Publishing 2015);鉴于美国国家劳资关系委员会(NLRB)、大西洋歌剧公司NLRB 10-RC-276292(2023)的最新决定,以及美国劳工部的一项未决规则,《公平劳动标准法》下的雇员或独立承包商分类》,87 Fed Reg 62218(2022年10月13日提出)(将在29 CFR的分散部分进行编纂),拼车司机的地位可能很快会发生变化。这两者都使得公司很难将工人归类为独立的承包商然而,他们这样做必须符合联邦反垄断法。参见商会诉西雅图案,890 F3d 769(2018年第9卷)(推翻西雅图条例,该条例规定拼车司机的集体谈判权不属于联邦反垄断法的州行为豁免范围)。但参见Confederación Hípica de Puerto Rico, Inc. v. Confederación de Jinetes Puertorriqueños Inc. 30 F4th 306, 313 (1st Cir 2022)(认为反垄断法的劳动豁免,即“涉及[]雇佣条款或条件”的劳动争议豁免包括与雇主-雇员关系有关的独立承包商的协调行动)Dynamex Operations West Inc诉洛杉矶县高等法院4 Cal 5th 903(2018)(采用所谓的“ABC测试”,该测试允许雇主将工人分类为独立承包商,前提是工人在理论上和实践上都不受雇主的控制;工人从事雇主通常业务范围以外的工作;该工人从事一种习惯上独立的行业);另见Guy Davidov和Pnina Alon-Shenker,“ABC测试:就业状况确定的新模型”(2022)51 Industrial L Rev 235, 236-37.5 AB5, 2019 Leg Sess (Cal 2019)(以下简称AB5)Josh Eidelson,《卡车司机工会因加州工人权利法从Uber和Lyft分裂》(彭博社2019年7月25日)(描述州长纽森努力让工会和平台公司达成妥协)。在最终形式中,该法案豁免了某些类别的工人,包括保险专业人员、某些医疗工作者,以及律师和会计师等其他需要大量执照的工人。AB5 (n 5)§2(b)。立法机关还在2020年9月增加了对音乐艺术家的豁免。AB 2257, ch 38, 2019-2020 Reg Sess§2780(a)(4)(C) (Cal 2020)。它还允许他们形成集体谈判协议,确定他们的就业地位。同上,关于法律豁免的进一步讨论,见Davidov和Alon-Shenker(第4段)9 . AB5 (n 5)§2(i)(3)AB5 (n 5)§1.10《加州商业与职业法典》§16703。联邦反垄断法规定的责任仍可适用Alexia Fernández Campbell,“Uber和Lyft在加州发起了一场避免政府监管的运动”(Vox 2019年10月29日),2023年7月17日访问。有关该活动的详细讨论,请参阅Dubal (n 1).12“加州第22号提案,基于应用程序的司机作为承包商和劳工政策倡议(2020)”(Ballotpedia)于2022年4月10日访问(以下简称Ballotpedia,“Prop 22”)Josh Eidelson,“Uber, Lyft, DoorDash为可能的投票战投入9000万美元”(彭博社2019年8月29日),2023.7月17日访问Campbell(第11期);15 . Ballotpedia,“提案22”(n 12)参见Olson v State of California No 19-CV-10956, 2020 WL 905572 (CD Cal 10 Feb 2020);另见投诉1-2号,Olson 2020 WL 905572 (No 19-CV-10956)于2023年7月20日查阅(以下简称Olson投诉)投诉2-3,加利福尼亚州人民诉优步技术公司No ccc -20-584402, 2020 WL 5422446(旧金山超级Ct 2020)。17命令32-33,人民诉优步(n 16)访问2023.7月20日。Sasha Lekach,“Lyft和优步威胁如果被迫雇用司机将停止在加利福尼亚州运营”(Mashable 2020年8月12日)访问2023.19 7月19日,人民诉优步(n 16) 316.20 Ballotpedia,“Prop 22”(n 12)加利福尼亚州第22号提案,基于应用程序的司机作为独立承包商和劳工政策倡议2021§7451(以下简称第22号提案)同上第7453(a)条;另见同上§745(d)(1)(定义“工作时间”)加州只允许雇员获得工人补偿,而不允许独立承包商获得。黄色出租车合作社公司诉工人赔偿上诉b226(1991年)。第22号提案确实要求公司为司机购买意外保险,包括收入保险,但没有将司机纳入标准的工人赔偿范围。提案22 (n 21)第7455条。 67“加州人将投票决定是否推翻快餐法”(美联社新闻2023年1月24日)访问2023年7月23日;68 . Suhuana Hussain,“我感觉被骗了”:快餐业推动废除加州新劳动法的内幕”(《洛杉矶时报》2023年7月13日)2023年7月23日访问(记录了签名收集者声称公投将提高工资的误导性信息)截至发稿时,双方似乎已经达成了一项解决方案,根据该解决方案,两家公司将同意大幅加薪,并将撤回公投,以换取对该州就业法的几项修改,包括建立工人委员会和对特许经营商施加连带责任的新法律Jessica Bulman-Pozen和Miriam Seifter,“州宪法中的民主原则”(2021)119 Michigan L Rev 859,877;另见John G Matsusaka,为多数还是为少数:倡议,公共政策和美国民主(普林斯顿大学,2004年)第70页Bulman-Pozen and Seifter (n 68) 861-62;Arthur Lupia和John G Matsusaka,“直接民主:对老问题的新方法”(2004)7 Rev Pol science 463, 465.71 Bulman-Pozen and Seifter (n 68) 876.72同上877。佛罗里达州、伊利诺伊州和密西西比州承认该倡议,但不承认公投;马里兰州和新墨西哥州承认公投,但不承认该倡议。全民公决通常被认为是对立法机关权力的保留,不受州长否决的约束。同上73 Lupia and Matusaka (n 69) 466…74同前;参见,例如,Mo. Const。艺术。III,§§50,53.75 Lupia and Matusaka (n 69) 466.76参见,例如,Mont。Const。艺术。III,§4(讨论法定倡议的分配要求);蒙特。Const。艺术。第十四章,第9条(讨论宪法动议的分配要求)卡尔,Const。艺术。Dani
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Pub Date : 2023-08-09DOI: 10.1080/09615768.2023.2245120
Graeme Orr
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 ‘Back’ implies that sovereignty derives from the people. ‘Referring’ reminds that a process of choosing which issues to send to a vote – and how to frame them – is involved.2 Eg, Jason Brennan and Lisa Hill, Compulsory Voting: For and Against (Cambridge University Press, 2014), Sarah Birch, Full Participation: a Comparative Study of Compulsory Voting (United Nations University Press, 2009) and Shane P Singh, Beyond Turnout: How Compulsory Voting Shapes Citizens and Political Parties (Oxford University Press, 2021).3 Eg, Costas Panagopoulos, ‘The Calculus of Voting in Compulsory Voting Systems’ (2008) 30 Political Behavior 455 cf Alberto Chong and Mauricio Olivera, ‘On Compulsory Voting and Income Equality’ (Inter-American Development Bank, Working Paper #33, 5/2005).4 Eg, Loren E Lomasky and Geoffrey Brennan, ‘Is There a Duty to Vote?’ (2000) 17 Social Philosophy and Policy 62 cf Michael M Bechtel et al, ‘Compulsory Voting, Habit Formation, and Political Participation’ (2018) 100 The Review of Economics and Statistics 467.5 Eg, Bart Engelen, ‘Why Compulsory Voting Can Enhance Democracy’ (2007) 42 Acta Politica 23. Conversely, it has been argued that compulsion could be used to accentuate a slippage into anti-democratic populism: Pete Crabb, ‘Compulsory Voting and Populism’ (SSRN, doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3662725, 5/9/2020).6 Eg, Xenophon Contiades and Alkmene Fotiadou, Participatory Constitutional Change: The People as Amenders of the Constitution (Routledge, 2016) and Julie Smith, The Palgrave Handbook of European Referendums (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021).7 Respectively: Karin Gilland Lutz and Simon Hug (eds), Financing Referendum Campaigns (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), Sandrine Baume et al (eds); Misinformation in Referenda (Routledge, 2020); and Ron Levy et al, Deliberative Peace Referendums (Oxford University Press, 2021).8 Eg, Emilee Booth Chapman, ‘The Distinctive Value of Elections and the Case of Compulsory Voting’ (2019) 63 American Journal of Political Science 101, 102 (parenthetically suggesting that the case for compulsion in large-scale elections ‘potentially’ applies to referendums).9 See distinctions in Larry LeDuc, The Politics of Direct Democracy: Referendums in Global Perspective (University of Toronto Press, 2003) 39. I do not otherwise adopt LeDuc’s four-part typology of referendum topics (‘constitutional issues’, ‘treaties and international agreements’, ‘sovereignty, national self-determination and devolution’, and ‘public policy issues’). Whilst useful for a political scientist, they involve too much overlap to be categorically useful.10 Rick Hasen, ‘Voting Without Law?’ (1996) 144 University of Pennsylvania Law Review 2135, 2135.11 In some systems of course, citizens can initiate constitutional referendums, as in Italy and some smaller European democracies: Alan Renwick and Jess Sergeant, ‘The Rules of Referendums’ in Smith, above n 6, 71.12 ‘The concept of representati
点击增大图片尺寸点击缩小图片尺寸注释1“后”意味着主权来自人民。“参考”一词提醒人们,这是一个选择将哪些问题提交投票的过程,以及如何构建这些问题的框架例如,杰森·布伦南和丽莎·希尔,《强制投票:支持和反对》(剑桥大学出版社,2014年),莎拉·伯奇,《充分参与:强制投票的比较研究》(联合国大学出版社,2009年),谢恩·P·辛格,《超越投票率:强制投票如何塑造公民和政党》(牛津大学出版社,2021年)例如,Costas Panagopoulos,“强制投票系统中的投票计算”(2008)30政治行为455 cf Alberto Chong和Mauricio Olivera,“关于强制投票和收入平等”(泛美开发银行,工作文件#33,2005年5月)例如,洛伦·洛马斯基和杰弗里·布伦南的《投票有义务吗?》(2000) 17社会哲学与政策62 cf Michael M Bechtel等人,“强制投票,习惯形成和政治参与”(2018)100经济学与统计学评论467.5 Eg, Bart Engelen,“为什么强制投票可以增强民主”(2007)42 Acta Politica 23。相反,有人认为,强制可以用来强调滑向反民主的民粹主义:皮特·克拉布,“强制投票和民粹主义”(SSRN, doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3662725, 5/9/2020)例如,Xenophon Contiades和Alkmene Fotiadou,参与式宪法变革:人民作为宪法的修改者(Routledge, 2016)和Julie Smith,欧洲公投Palgrave手册(Palgrave Macmillan, 2021)分别:Karin Gilland Lutz和Simon Hug(编),《全民公决运动融资》(Palgrave Macmillan出版社,2009),Sandrine Baume等人(编);公投中的错误信息(Routledge, 2020);和罗恩·利维等人,审议和平公投(牛津大学出版社,2021年)例如,Emilee Booth Chapman,“选举的独特价值和强制投票的案例”(2019)63《美国政治学杂志》101,102(附带说明,大规模选举中强制投票的案例“潜在地”适用于公投)见拉里·勒杜克的《直接民主的政治:全球视角下的公民投票》(多伦多大学出版社,2003年)39。除此之外,我不采用勒杜克的全民公决主题的四部分类型(“宪法问题”、“条约和国际协定”、“主权、民族自决和权力下放”以及“公共政策问题”)。虽然对政治学家有用,但它们涉及的重叠部分太多,不能绝对有用里克·哈森《没有法律的投票?》(1996) 144宾夕法尼亚大学法律评论2135,2135.11当然,在某些制度下,公民可以发起宪法公投,如在意大利和一些较小的欧洲民主国家:Alan Renwick和Jess Sergeant,《公民投票的规则》,史密斯,第6页以上,71.12“代表的概念简单得令人误解;每个人似乎都知道它是什么,但很少有人能就这个难以捉摸的概念的任何特定定义达成一致”:Suzanne Dovi,“政治代表”,斯坦福哲学百科全书(斯坦福大学,2018年修订版)。汉娜·菲尼切尔·皮特金的《表象的概念》(加州大学出版社,1967)指出了它的悖论格雷姆奥尔,“选举民主的法律:理论和目的”在艾伦博格等人(编),社会民主的宪法(哈特,2020)173-75。这些都是建设性的或局内人的观点;第四个是愤世嫉俗或局外人的观点,认为选举民主只是一种掩盖根深蒂固的不平等或压迫的游戏我在这里使用“终极”一词,并不是指“必要(如果不是充分的话)”:一种可感知的、真实的合法性,对任何政治秩序中的信任和稳定都至关重要参见Graeme Orr,选举制度中的仪式和节奏:一个比较的法律解释(Routledge, 2015).1617 . Justin Buchler,《雇佣和解雇官员:重新思考选举的目的》(牛津大学出版社,2011)国际理念目前估计,在203个国家中,有27个国家采用了某种形式的强制投票率;40个国家曾经使用过这个词(其中只有3个国家在地方选举中使用过:奥地利、瑞士和美国)。参见“强制投票”。18 2006年的一项调查确定了23个国家,当时立法规定了选举强制(包括两个仅在次国家一级)。其中16个是“自由的”,6个是“部分自由的”,只有一个(埃及)被列为“不自由的”:选举事务联合常设委员会,《2004年联邦选举:2004年联邦选举行为及其相关事项调查报告》(澳大利亚联邦议会,2006年)附录G.19参见澳大利亚高等法院在Faderson v Bridger (1971) 126 CLR 271中的讨论。 更实际的问题是,投票指示是否意味着选民必须正式在选票上做标记,或者是否注意到破坏选票的能力:格雷姆·奥尔,“不选择的选择:联邦法和保留偏好”(1997)23莫纳什大学法律评论285.20丽莎·希尔,“使用强制投票增加投票率”(2011)31政治27,33。这是为了确保短期内的选举不会受到影响,例如,政党竞选活动的重点是压低对手支持者的投票率;从长远来看,整个选民阶层不会被疏远到他们的声音被忽视的程度查普曼,在第8页,104.22国际IDEA,在第17页。这就排除了仅仅强制选民登记的国家,比如新西兰。“一些”强制包括那些非常年轻、非常年老或海外选民不被强制的国家例如,澳大利亚宪法第128条规定全民公决。但是在1984年之前,每次公民投票都采用一次性立法:Graeme Orr,“澳大利亚公民投票和公民投票的行为:法律视角”(2000)11《公法评论》117。相反,在澳大利亚,公民投票在次国家层面上大多是自由裁量的,然而除了一个州之外,所有州现在都有关于公民投票的立法:Paul Kildea,“州和地区公民投票的法律和历史”(2022)44悉尼法律评论31,49 n 111.24选举观察和能力建设意味着选举法现在被广泛公布例如,《1961年新加坡全民公决条例》第21条(常设全民公决法)和2005年《关于全民公决法》(卢森堡)第37条(一次性全民公决法)例如,Regulación全民公决(ley8492, 2006年4月4日,哥斯达黎加)第5条(常设全民公决法)巴西联邦共和国宪法(1988年)第14条。虽然在全民投票和公民投票的一般程序中没有重申这一点(1998年11月18日第9 709号法令),但在特殊事件的条例中有明确规定(例如1993年7月4日第8 624号法令,第3条)Bechtel等人在上文第4条中描述了一个罕见的例外:瑞士沃州强制参与联邦公民投票——通常是立法而不是宪法——同时不强制参加选举Alvaro Marques和Thomas B Smith,“第三世界的公民投票”(1984)3选举研究85,10130同上,91.31同上,100.32 Duncan McCargo等人,“秩序和平:泰国2016年宪法公投”(2017)65当代东南亚65.33 Oran Doyle,“混乱中的秩序?宪法变迁的类型学和模式”在孔蒂亚德和佛蒂亚杜(编),上面第6、182、182页。关于公民投票问题的另一种类型,请见LeDuc在第9.34条以上
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