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Parks, permits, and riot police: understanding the politics of public space occupations 1988–1991 公园、许可证和防暴警察:理解1988-1991年公共空间占领的政治
Pub Date : 2019-02-01 DOI: 10.7228/manchester/9781526107350.003.0003
Sean Parson
Chapter 3 uses the struggle between Food Not Bombs and the Art Agnos Mayoral administration (1988–1991) as a backdrop to discuss the role of permits in regulating and controlling space. It argues that Food Not Bombs, through public feedings and organizing tent-cities, made specific claims regarding the nature of public space and claimed that the city had no legitimacy to regulate political activism and expression. The city, on the other hand, attempted to use permits as means of forcing the group into a negotiated management with city officials. When that negotiation broke down, the city turned toward an escalation of violence and harassment in an attempt to purge the group from public space. The chapter considers anarchist and autonomous conceptions of public space and expands on Margaret Kohn’s conception of populist space (2003, 2013) by exploring how autonomous politics complicates the topic. Conversely, it argues that a complex dialectical relationship exists between the autonomous populist politics of Food Not Bombs, the populist representational nature of public protest, and the regulatory desire of the City.
第三章以“食物不要炸弹”与Art Agnos市长管理(1988-1991)之间的斗争为背景,讨论许可在规范和控制空间中的作用。它认为,通过公共喂养和组织帐篷城市,食物不是炸弹,对公共空间的性质提出了具体的主张,并声称城市没有合法性来规范政治活动和表达。另一方面,市政府试图利用许可证作为迫使该集团与市政府官员谈判管理的手段。当谈判破裂后,该市开始升级暴力和骚扰,试图将该组织从公共空间清除出去。本章考虑了公共空间的无政府主义和自治概念,并通过探索自治政治如何使这一主题复杂化,扩展了玛格丽特·科恩(Margaret Kohn)的民粹主义空间概念(2003,2013)。相反,它认为,在“食物不要炸弹”的自治民粹主义政治、公众抗议的民粹主义代表性和伦敦金融城的监管愿望之间存在着复杂的辩证关系。
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引用次数: 0
Turning statistics into people: from sick talk to the politics of solidarity 将统计数据转化为人:从病态谈话到团结政治
Pub Date : 2019-02-01 DOI: 10.7228/manchester/9781526107350.003.0001
Sean Parson
Chapter 1 provides a brief introduction to the politics of homelessness by discussing the predominance of “sick talk” in addressing homelessness. In the literature review, I contend that the neoliberalizing of homelessness has shifted the “fault” of homelessness onto the individual, thus pathologizing homelessness and justifying increased criminalization and surveillance. Counter to this view, I present an alternative radical homelessness politics rooted in anarchist political theory and the praxis of Food Not Bombs and the Catholic Workers. This approach seeks to personalize the homeless, while maintaining a systemic critique of capitalism. The chapter ends with a road map for the coming chapters.
第一章通过讨论“病态谈话”在解决无家可归问题上的优势,简要介绍了无家可归者的政治。在文献综述中,我认为无家可归的新自由主义化已经将无家可归的“过错”转移到个人身上,从而将无家可归病态化,并为增加刑事定罪和监视辩护。与这种观点相反,我提出了另一种激进的无家可归政治,植根于无政府主义政治理论和“食物不要炸弹”和天主教工人的实践。这种方法试图将无家可归者个性化,同时保持对资本主义的系统性批判。本章的结尾为接下来的章节提供了一个路线图。
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引用次数: 0
The war against the homeless: Frank Jordan, broken windows, and anti-homeless politics in San Francisco 反对无家可归者的战争:弗兰克·乔丹,破碎的窗户,旧金山的反无家可归者政治
Pub Date : 2019-02-01 DOI: 10.7228/manchester/9781526107350.003.0004
Sean Parson
Chapter 4 discusses Mayor Frank Jordan’s (1992–1995) revanchist Matrix Quality of Life Program, which sought to enforce a broken-windows policing system in San Francisco. The impact of the policy was felt largely by the visible homeless in downtown San Francisco, who were regularly harassed and arrested by the police and forced out of the city. Because quality-of-life policing desires to sanitize the public space of disruptive and asocial behaviour, the public meals of Food Not Bombs near City Hall resisted the city’s attempt to criminalize homelessness. This chapter argues that the city attempted to construct the homeless as anti-citizens and exclude them from the political and physical spaces of the city.
第四章讨论了弗兰克·乔丹市长(1992-1995)的复仇主义矩阵生活质量计划,该计划试图在旧金山实施破窗警务系统。这项政策的影响主要体现在旧金山市中心明显的无家可归者身上,他们经常受到警察的骚扰和逮捕,被迫离开这座城市。由于生活质量的监管希望净化公共空间的破坏性和反社会行为,市政厅附近的“不吃炸弹”公共餐抵制了市政府将无家可归者定为犯罪的企图。本章认为,城市试图将无家可归者构建为反公民,并将他们排除在城市的政治和物理空间之外。
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引用次数: 0
The homeless fight back: the politics of homeless resistance 无家可归者的反击:无家可归者的反抗政治
Pub Date : 2019-02-01 DOI: 10.7228/manchester/9781526107350.003.0005
Sean Parson
Chapter 5 turns to the activism and politics of anarchist homeless activists in resisting the city’s attempts to exclude the homeless. I turn to two important political theorists to make sense of the resistance of Food Not Bombs: Jacques Rancière and Eduardo Glissant. Rancière’s short piece “Ten theses on politics” provides a powerful understanding of the way that disruptive actions and resistance expand political space, while Glissant’s idea of right to opacity examines the complex relationship of violence, power, and visibility. The chapter argue that the homeless have a right to opacity from the state, and state surveillance, and that the homeless should only be as visible as they want to be. This means that public occupations, political protests, and public meals are legitimate forms of visibility, which respect the right of the homeless to be opaque, while programs such as San Francisco’s Matrix plan are a coercive form of violence.
第五章转向无政府主义无家可归者积极分子在抵制城市排斥无家可归者的企图中的行动主义和政治。我求助于两位重要的政治理论家来理解“食物不要炸弹”运动的抵制:雅克·朗西和爱德华多·格里桑特。ranci的短文《关于政治的十篇论文》对破坏性行动和抵抗扩大政治空间的方式提供了强有力的理解,而Glissant关于不透明权利的想法则审视了暴力、权力和可见性之间的复杂关系。这一章认为,无家可归者有权不受国家和国家监督,无家可归者应该只在他们想要的情况下被看到。这意味着公共占领、政治抗议和公共餐饮都是合法的可见形式,它们尊重无家可归者不透明的权利,而旧金山的Matrix计划等项目则是一种强制性的暴力形式。
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引用次数: 0
Bolt cutters and the politics of expropriation: Homes Not Jails, urban squatting, and gentrification 断线钳和征用政治:住宅而非监狱、城市棚户区和中产阶级化
Pub Date : 2019-02-01 DOI: 10.7228/MANCHESTER/9781526107350.003.0006
Sean Parson
Chapter 6 looks at the response from the Jordan administration on Food Not Bombs’ sister organization, Homes Not Jails, which illegally housed the homeless in abandoned buildings. In interviews with people involved in both Food Not Bombs and Homes Not Jails, I was often told stories of police leniency with the squatters, something that was unheard of for Food Not Bombs’ actions. This differential treatment concerns the political nature of space and the city’s desire to hide the homeless from public view. Because the city wanted to push the homeless into private space, Homes Not Jails, by illegally housing the homeless in abandoned houses, ended up unintentionally working to help the Jordan administration achieve part of his public space goal. This chapter argues that city agencies react to autonomous political projects differently depending on whether they erupt in what the state defines as public or private space.
第六章探讨约旦政府对“食物不要炸弹”姊妹组织“家不要监狱”的回应,该组织非法将无家可归者安置在废弃的建筑物中。在采访参与“不吃炸弹”和“不住监狱”的人时,我经常听到警察对擅自占用者宽大处理的故事,这在“不吃炸弹”的行动中是闻所未闻的。这种差别对待关系到空间的政治性质,以及城市将无家可归者隐藏在公众视野之外的愿望。由于约旦政府希望将无家可归者推向私人空间,“家园而非监狱”通过非法将无家可归者安置在废弃的房屋中,最终无意中帮助约旦政府实现了部分公共空间目标。本章认为,城市机构对自治政治项目的反应不同,取决于它们是在国家定义为公共空间还是私人空间中爆发的。
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引用次数: 0
Coda: theses on homelessness, public space, and urban resistance 结语:关于无家可归、公共空间和城市抵抗的论文
Pub Date : 2019-02-01 DOI: 10.7228/MANCHESTER/9781526107350.003.0008
Sean Parson
In the Coda, the lessons and theoretical positions of the entire document are condensed into four short theses, which can start a conversation around the role and politics of a radical homeless urban politics within the context of the twenty-first-century capitalist political economy and the rise of Trumpism in the United States.
在结语中,整篇论文的经验教训和理论立场被压缩成四篇简短的论文,可以围绕21世纪资本主义政治经济和特朗普主义在美国兴起的背景下激进的无家可归者城市政治的角色和政治展开对话。
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引用次数: 0
Coda Coda
Pub Date : 2018-12-05 DOI: 10.7765/9781526108104.00014
S. Parson
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引用次数: 0
List of figures 数字清单
Pub Date : 2018-12-05 DOI: 10.7765/9781526108104.00004
S. Parson
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引用次数: 0
Towards an anarchist “right to the city” 走向无政府主义的“城市权”
Pub Date : 2018-12-05 DOI: 10.7228/manchester/9781526107350.003.0007
Sean Parson
Chapter 7 puts the lessons from the anarchist urban activism and praxis of Food Not Bombs and Homes Not Jails into dialogue with the work on the Right to the City. While sympathetic to and inspired by these theorists’ work on radical urbanism, the author criticizes productionist predilections and highlights that centralized homelessness removes the focus on formal economic production. The chapter contends that by focusing on the homeless, a more robust and radical conception of urban space as commons can be developed, which allows for rights to opacity and survival in urban space.
第七章将无政府主义城市行动主义的经验教训与“食物不要炸弹”和“家不要监狱”的实践与“城市权”的工作进行对话。虽然作者对这些理论家关于激进城市主义的工作表示同情并受到启发,但作者批评了生产主义者的偏好,并强调集中的无家可归消除了对正式经济生产的关注。本章认为,通过关注无家可归者,可以发展出一个更强大、更激进的城市空间公地概念,它允许在城市空间中不透明和生存的权利。
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引用次数: 0
Dedication 奉献
Pub Date : 2018-12-05 DOI: 10.7765/9781526108104.00002
S. Parson
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Cooking up a revolution
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