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On Juror Decision Making: An Empathic Inquiry 陪审员决策:共情调查
Dan Simon
This review examines the workings of jurors deciding criminal cases. It seeks not to commend or condemn jury decision making but rather to offer an empathic exploration of the task that jurors face in exercising their fact-finding duty. Reconstructing criminal events in the courtroom amounts to a difficult feat under the best of circumstances. The task becomes especially complicated under the taxing conditions of criminal adjudication: the often substandard evidence presented in court; the paucity of the investigative record; types of evidence that are difficult to decipher; the unruly decision-making environment of the courtroom; and mental gymnastics required to meet the normative demands of criminal adjudication. The critical spotlight is directed not at the jurors but at the conditions under which we expect them to fulfill their duty and at the unverified reverence in which their verdicts are held. The article concludes with a set of recommendations designed to assist our fact-finders in meeting the societal expectations of this solemn task.
这篇评论审查了陪审员决定刑事案件的工作方式。它的目的不是赞扬或谴责陪审团的决策,而是对陪审员在履行事实调查职责时所面临的任务进行感同身受的探索。即使在最好的情况下,在法庭上重现犯罪事件也是一项艰巨的任务。在刑事审判的苛刻条件下,这项任务变得尤为复杂:法庭上提供的证据往往不合格;调查记录的缺乏;难以破译的证据类型;法庭上难以驾驭的决策环境;而心理体操则需要满足刑事审判的规范性要求。批评的焦点不是指向陪审员,而是指向我们期望他们履行职责的条件,以及对他们的裁决的未经证实的崇敬。文章最后提出了一系列建议,旨在帮助我们的事实调查员满足社会对这一庄严任务的期望。
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引用次数: 0
Adjudication of the GATT Security Clause: To Be or Not to Be, This is the Question 关贸总协定担保条款的裁决:存在还是不存在,这是一个问题
I. Bogdanova
Amidst the severe crisis the WTO’s crown jewel is facing these days, the WTO tribunals are confronted with another perplexed matter – adjudication of the security exception. In a number of the ongoing disputes the parties invoked national security to justify their trade-restrictive measures. The interpretation of the security exception raises a number of vexed questions. Before delving into the discussion of the interpretative intricacies, it is prudent to inquire whether the WTO tribunals have jurisdiction over the security clause and if it is justiciable.
在WTO这颗“皇冠上的明珠”面临严重危机的今天,WTO法庭又面临着另一个难题——安全例外的裁决。在一些正在进行的争端中,各方以国家安全为由为其贸易限制措施辩护。对安全例外的解释引发了许多令人烦恼的问题。在深入讨论解释的复杂性之前,谨慎的做法是询问世贸组织法庭是否对担保条款有管辖权,以及它是否具有可诉性。
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引用次数: 2
Opportunistic Proposals by Union Shareholders 工会股东的机会主义提议
J. Matsusaka, O. Ozbas, Irene Yi
This paper investigates whether labor unions use proposals opportunistically to influence contract negotiations. Our empirical strategy relies on the observation that proposals have higher bargaining-chip value in contract expiration years, when a new contract must be negotiated. We find that in contract expiration years compared with nonexpiration years, unions increase their proposal rate by one-fifth, particularly proposals concerning executive compensation. Union proposals made during expiration years are less likely to be supported by other shareholders or a leading proxy advisor; the market reacts negatively to union proposals in expiration years; and withdrawn union proposals are accompanied by higher wage settlements. Received March 14, 2017; editorial decision July 19, 2018 by Editor Wei Jiang. Authors have furnished an Internet Appendix, which is available on the Oxford University Press Web site next to the link to the final published paper online
本文考察了工会是否利用提案机会主义影响合同谈判。我们的实证策略依赖于这样的观察,即在合同到期时,当必须谈判新合同时,提案具有更高的谈判筹码价值。我们发现,在合同到期的年份,与未到期的年份相比,工会的提案率增加了五分之一,尤其是有关高管薪酬的提案。在期满期内提出的工会提案不太可能得到其他股东或主要代理顾问的支持;市场对到期的工会提案反应消极;而撤销工会提案的同时,工资也会得到提高。2017年3月14日收稿;编辑决定2018年7月19日编辑姜伟作者们提供了一份互联网附录,可以在牛津大学出版社的网站上找到,就在最终发表论文的链接旁边
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引用次数: 38
Agency Performance Challenges and Agency Politicization 机构绩效挑战和机构政治化
A. Wood, D. Lewis
In this paper we evaluate the relationship between political control and bureaucratic performance using information requested by researchers via Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests and congress via congressional committee requests. The information requested was the same, and the timing of requests was similar. We find modest evidence of a relationship between agency politicization and a lack of responsiveness to requests for information from the public and Congress. Politicized agencies are slower to respond to requests even when controlling for agency size and workload. There is little evidence, however, that these agencies are more likely to respond poorly when they do respond. The difficulties in responding appear to be due to poor performance of the FOIA offices, either because political actors focus more on other agency activities or because of poorer management agency-wide. We conclude that efforts to make agencies responsive to elected officials may hurt management performance.
在本文中,我们评估了政治控制和官僚绩效之间的关系,使用了研究者通过信息自由法案(FOIA)请求和国会通过国会委员会请求获得的信息。所请求的信息是相同的,请求的时间也是相似的。我们发现了机构政治化与对公众和国会的信息要求缺乏回应之间存在关系的适度证据。政治化的机构即使在控制机构规模和工作量的情况下,对请求的响应速度也较慢。然而,几乎没有证据表明,这些机构在做出回应时,更有可能做出糟糕的回应。作出回应的困难似乎是由于《信息自由法》办公室的表现不佳,或者是因为政治行为者更多地关注其他机构活动,或者是因为整个机构的管理较差。我们的结论是,使机构对民选官员作出反应的努力可能会损害管理绩效。
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引用次数: 47
It's Tax Not Trade (Stupid) 这是税收不是贸易(愚蠢)
Edward J. McCaffery
Globalization, trade and other free market policies increase wealth. But the gains from trade are not being evenly spread among all citizens. People and politicians rage against foreigners. But it is the United States tax system, not trade, that ought to change, and wealthy Americans, not workers world-wide, who should be sharing the wealth. And it is the form of tax, not just its rate structure, that must reform, so that capital at last bears a meaningful share of the burden.
全球化、贸易和其他自由市场政策会增加财富。但是,贸易的收益并没有平均分配给所有公民。民众和政客对外国人怒不可遏。但应该改变的是美国的税收制度,而不是贸易,应该分享财富的是富有的美国人,而不是世界各地的工人。必须改革的是税收的形式,而不仅仅是税率结构,这样资本才能最终承担起有意义的负担。
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引用次数: 0
Updating Priest and Klein 更新牧师和克莱因
Yoon-Ho Alex Lee, Daniel Klerman
In their 1984 article, “The Selection of Disputes for Litigation,” Priest and Klein famously hypothesized a “tendency toward 50 percent plaintiff victories” among litigated cases. Nevertheless, many scholars doubt the validity of their conclusions, because the model they relied upon does not meet modern standards of rigor. This article updates the Priest-Klein model by considering three modifications. First, we raise a novel critique of the Priest-Klein model — that it is non-Bayesian — and show that most of the results of Priest and Klein (1984) pertaining to limits nevertheless remain valid under a modified model in which parties use Bayes’ rule to refine their estimates of the plaintiff’s probability of prevailing. Second, we show that even when an incentive-compatible mechanism is imposed, many of the results remain valid for symmetric Nash equilibria. Finally, we show how the Priest-Klein model can be modified to analyze asymmetric information, show that most results are false under this modification, and compare the modified Priest-Klein model to standard asymmetric information models.
在1984年的文章《诉讼纠纷的选择》(The Selection of Disputes for Litigation)中,普里斯特和克莱因提出了一个著名的假设,即在诉讼案件中“原告胜诉的趋势为50%”。然而,许多学者怀疑他们结论的有效性,因为他们所依赖的模型不符合现代严谨的标准。本文通过考虑三个修改来更新priestst - klein模型。首先,我们对普里斯特-克莱因模型提出了一种新颖的批评——它是非贝叶斯的——并表明,普里斯特和克莱因(1984)关于限制的大多数结果在一个修改后的模型下仍然有效,在这个模型中,当事人使用贝叶斯规则来改进他们对原告胜诉概率的估计。其次,我们表明,即使施加了激励相容机制,许多结果仍然对对称纳什均衡有效。最后,我们展示了如何修改priest克莱因模型来分析不对称信息,表明在这种修改下大多数结果都是错误的,并将修改后的priest克莱因模型与标准的不对称信息模型进行了比较。
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引用次数: 6
When Do Legislators Follow Constituent Opinion? Evidence from Matched Roll Call and Referendum Votes 立法者何时遵从选民意见?来自匹配的点名和公民投票的证据
J. Matsusaka
This paper tests theories of representation by studying laws that were challenged by referendum. For these laws, we can compare legislator roll call votes and citizen votes on the same law. In a sample of 3,242 roll call votes on 25 laws in nine states, I find that legislators voted congruent with majority opinion in their district 67 percent of the time, so representation generally “worked.” However, when legislator preferences differed from district opinion on an issue, legislators voted congruent with district opinion only 28 percent of the time. Electoral pressure measured by vote margin, proximity of next election, and term limits had at most a modest connection with congruence. The evidence is broadly consistent with the assumption of the citizen-candidate (or trustee) theory that legislators vote their own preferences.
本文通过研究受到公民投票挑战的法律来检验代议制理论。对于这些法律,我们可以比较立法者的唱名投票和公民对同一法律的投票。在对9个州的25项法律进行的3242次唱名投票的样本中,我发现立法者在67%的时间里与他们所在地区的多数意见一致,所以代表制通常是“有效的”。然而,当立法者的偏好与地区意见在一个问题上不同时,立法者投票与地区意见一致的时间只有28%。以投票差额、下届选举的临近程度和任期限制衡量的选举压力与一致性最多只有适度的联系。这些证据与公民候选人(或受托人)理论的假设大致一致,即立法者根据自己的喜好投票。
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引用次数: 13
Special Right Surviving Spouse on Furniture and Household Items (Dreptul Special Al Soţului Supravieţuitor Asupra Mobilierului Şi a Obiectelor De Uz Casnic)
Titu Ionascu
English Abstract: As legal, especially the right of the surviving spouse on furniture and household objects that were affected common use can be qualified as a legal right of inheritance.Romanian Abstract: Ca natură juridică, dreptul special al soţului supravieţuitor asupra mobilierului si obiectelor de uz casnic care au fost afectate folosinţei comune poate fi calificat ca un drept de mostenire legal.
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引用次数: 0
Taking Stock of GATT’s Conflicting Provisions: Competitive Liberalization and the Demise of the WTO 评关贸总协定相互冲突的条款:竞争自由化与WTO的消亡
A. Hippolyte
Contained in the GATT, are provisions whose applications contradict each other. Article XXIV, which empowers WTO members to form regional trade agreements (RTAs), otherwise referred to as competitive liberalization, is contrary to the idea of the Most-Favored-Nation (MFN) principle set out article I. Indeed article XXIV is an exception to article I, however the conflict caused by these provisions, has led to a situation where the two will not co-exist for long, and one will eventually phase-out the other. While under article I, countries are prevented from discriminating between their trading partners, and any benefit granted to one member of the WTO must be extended to all WTO members; article XXIV gives countries the option of circumventing article I, to offer preferential trade benefits to only the select few with which they choose to trade through the formation of RTAs. Thus, conclusion of RTAs is a practice that is contrary to the interest of the World Trade Organization. Rules of origin present in most RTAs have a negative impact on competitive liberalization, a key goal of the WTO in combatting protectionism, as RTAs grant special treatment to members regardless of their inability to produce commodities more competitively than non-members due to the reciprocal benefits of RTAs. This seeks to frustrate the aims of the WTO in attempting to effectively regulate international trade, because while RTAs facilitate trade amongst its members; it hinders trade for non-member with which it has no trade desires. Regrettably, however, the WTO has faced increasing difficulty in the regulation of RTAs, in their manifold shapes and sizes.
关贸总协定所载的条款,其适用是相互矛盾的。第24条授权世贸组织成员形成区域贸易协定(rta),也被称为竞争自由化,与第1条规定的最惠国(MFN)原则的想法相反。事实上,第24条是第1条的例外,然而,这些规定引起的冲突导致了两者不会长期共存的情况,其中一个最终将逐步淘汰另一个。虽然根据第一条,各国不得歧视其贸易伙伴,给予世贸组织一个成员的任何利益必须扩大到所有世贸组织成员;第24条使各国可以选择绕开第1条,只向它们选择通过建立区域贸易协定进行贸易的少数国家提供优惠贸易利益。因此,签订区域贸易协定是一种违背世界贸易组织利益的做法。大多数区域贸易协定中存在的原产地规则对竞争自由化有负面影响,而竞争自由化是世贸组织反对保护主义的一个关键目标,因为区域贸易协定给予成员特殊待遇,而不管这些成员由于区域贸易协定的互惠利益而无法生产比非成员更具竞争力的商品。这将阻碍世贸组织试图有效管理国际贸易的目标,因为区域贸易协定促进了其成员之间的贸易;它阻碍了与它没有贸易愿望的非成员国的贸易。然而,令人遗憾的是,世贸组织在管理各种形式和规模的区域贸易协定方面面临越来越大的困难。
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引用次数: 0
Lobbying in Romania 罗马尼亚的游说
L. Mihaileanu, D. Oancea, Aurelian Horja
The research aimed to cover a 360 degrees angle of the lobbying activities in Romania and as a consequence the surveys were aimed to reach all its three dimensions: the population affected directly or indirectly by lobbying activities (vox populi), the initiatiors (lobbyists) and decision makers (politicians). The results allow thus for the first time a realistic picture of Romanian lobbying activities and can be used as reference in the strategy of any lobbying organisation, but also by political decision makers for a better assessment of this activity. Following the fact that together with GfK Romania we realised a national survey on representative samples of urban population over 15 years old, we could integrate in the present study an analysis of the public perception concerning the Romanian lobbying activities, essential element both for lobbyist and for politicians.
这项研究的目的是对罗马尼亚的游说活动进行360度全方位的调查,因此调查的目的是涉及其所有三个方面:直接或间接受到游说活动影响的人口(vox populi)、发起人(游说者)和决策者(政治家)。因此,这些结果第一次使人们对罗马尼亚的游说活动有了一个真实的了解,可以作为任何游说组织战略的参考,也可以作为政治决策者更好地评估这一活动的参考。由于我们与GfK罗马尼亚公司一起对15岁以上城市人口的代表性样本进行了全国调查,因此我们可以在本研究中分析公众对罗马尼亚游说活动的看法,这对游说者和政治家来说都是必不可少的因素。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
University of Southern California Center for Law & Social Science (CLASS) Law & Economics Research Paper Series
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