Pub Date : 2019-04-18DOI: 10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.26.1.0317
Michael A. Stroup
ABSTRACT:Demand for solar energy in the United States has increased significantly over the past half century. Despite the falling costs of solar infrastructure, the United States solar energy market is at a turning point. In 2017, two insolvent U.S. solar manufacturers, Suniva and SolarWorld America, successfully petitioned the International Trade Commission (ITC) to invoke Section 201 of the 1974 Trade Act. The two U.S. manufacturers argued that a surplus of imported Chinese solar panels has driven the cost of solar infrastructure too low and forced them out of the market. The ITC responded by recommending tariffs on global solar photovoltaic (PV) panel imports, which were then implemented by President Trump in early 2018. This note addresses the negative effects that PV import tariffs have on investment in the U.S. solar energy market, posits that a free-market approach toward PV panel trade will maximize investment in solar energy, and explains that imposing tariffs on PV panel imports leads to more net harm than good.
{"title":"Draining the Flooded Markets: Tariffs, Suniva & Solar Energy Investment","authors":"Michael A. Stroup","doi":"10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.26.1.0317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.26.1.0317","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Demand for solar energy in the United States has increased significantly over the past half century. Despite the falling costs of solar infrastructure, the United States solar energy market is at a turning point. In 2017, two insolvent U.S. solar manufacturers, Suniva and SolarWorld America, successfully petitioned the International Trade Commission (ITC) to invoke Section 201 of the 1974 Trade Act. The two U.S. manufacturers argued that a surplus of imported Chinese solar panels has driven the cost of solar infrastructure too low and forced them out of the market. The ITC responded by recommending tariffs on global solar photovoltaic (PV) panel imports, which were then implemented by President Trump in early 2018. This note addresses the negative effects that PV import tariffs have on investment in the U.S. solar energy market, posits that a free-market approach toward PV panel trade will maximize investment in solar energy, and explains that imposing tariffs on PV panel imports leads to more net harm than good.","PeriodicalId":39188,"journal":{"name":"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"317 - 334"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47365156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.26.1.0087
C. Nagy
ABSTRACT:Populism is telling voters what they want to hear, knowing that it is neither true, nor feasible. Lately, trade and economic integration has seen the spread of untrue and unfeasible tenets, which have proved to be highly popular and have received a warm welcome. Fueled by imperial fantasies and nostalgia for the long-gone era of protectionism, the tectonic movements of world trade have generated a good deal of populist resistance based on the self-delusion that the Gordian knot of world trade needs not to be disentangled but can be simply cut. Unfortunately, however popular and appealing these allegations are, they are not true. Reverting to protectionism simply does not pay out and faces two major, arguably unsurmountable, hurdles: the economic realities, which show that protectionism comes at a very high price even to those it strives to protect, and the disciplines of the WTO, which very much limit unilateral measures inspired by purely protectionist desires. This paper demonstrates three points. First, the modus operandi of international trade makes frontal protectionism self-destructing. Second, the current regime of world trade law developed under the auspices of the WTO significantly limits protectionist policies and leaves no room for a comprehensive protectionist policy. Third, while "taking back control" is an appealing yell, catering to the deepest tribal instincts, in reality, unimpeded sovereignty and unlimited freedom of action are increasingly a wishful thinking.
{"title":"World Trade, Imperial Fantasies and Protectionism: Can You Really Have Your Cake and Eat It Too?","authors":"C. Nagy","doi":"10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.26.1.0087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.26.1.0087","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Populism is telling voters what they want to hear, knowing that it is neither true, nor feasible. Lately, trade and economic integration has seen the spread of untrue and unfeasible tenets, which have proved to be highly popular and have received a warm welcome. Fueled by imperial fantasies and nostalgia for the long-gone era of protectionism, the tectonic movements of world trade have generated a good deal of populist resistance based on the self-delusion that the Gordian knot of world trade needs not to be disentangled but can be simply cut. Unfortunately, however popular and appealing these allegations are, they are not true. Reverting to protectionism simply does not pay out and faces two major, arguably unsurmountable, hurdles: the economic realities, which show that protectionism comes at a very high price even to those it strives to protect, and the disciplines of the WTO, which very much limit unilateral measures inspired by purely protectionist desires. This paper demonstrates three points. First, the modus operandi of international trade makes frontal protectionism self-destructing. Second, the current regime of world trade law developed under the auspices of the WTO significantly limits protectionist policies and leaves no room for a comprehensive protectionist policy. Third, while \"taking back control\" is an appealing yell, catering to the deepest tribal instincts, in reality, unimpeded sovereignty and unlimited freedom of action are increasingly a wishful thinking.","PeriodicalId":39188,"journal":{"name":"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"132 - 87"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44638519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-18DOI: 10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.26.1.0031
Susana Narotzky
ABSTRACT:Different kinds of evidence are put forward to make an argument and justify political action by agents situated in diverse social, cultural, and power positions. The Catalan political conflict is a case in point. The central Spanish government's arguments are mostly of a juridical nature and rest on the anti-constitutionality of the Catalan government and other civil society organizations' actions. Instead, most arguments of Catalan supporters of independence are based on historical interpretations of grievances referring to national institutions and identity. Supporters of independence, under the politically inspired actions of major civil society associations, have mobilized hundreds of thousands of Catalans in massive demonstrations and have used media in a very efficient manner. The judicial responses to the secessionist process have used legality (police, prison) to allow repression, while the repeated anti-constitutional actions of the Catalan government have been justified as legitimated by popular support and by a historical accumulation of grievances.At the same time, repeated elections show that Catalan citizens are divided and have very different positions regarding their support for independence. This differentiation can be mapped according to social and economic criteria and almost literally projected in spatial coordinates. This other group of Catalans tried to mobilize to publicly show their disagreement over the secessionist project. Yet their arguments appear as reactive rather than based on any alternative evidence. Hence, they are co-opted by the central Spanish various governments' juridical position, which supports a unified Spanish national identity couched in the Constitution of 1978.This paper argues that an important aspect of the political confrontation is being played as an evidence struggle where the various social actors produce different kinds of evidence to justify their actions in the political arena and mobilize support.
{"title":"Evidence Struggles: Legality, Legitimacy, and Social Mobilizations in the Catalan Political Conflict","authors":"Susana Narotzky","doi":"10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.26.1.0031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.26.1.0031","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Different kinds of evidence are put forward to make an argument and justify political action by agents situated in diverse social, cultural, and power positions. The Catalan political conflict is a case in point. The central Spanish government's arguments are mostly of a juridical nature and rest on the anti-constitutionality of the Catalan government and other civil society organizations' actions. Instead, most arguments of Catalan supporters of independence are based on historical interpretations of grievances referring to national institutions and identity. Supporters of independence, under the politically inspired actions of major civil society associations, have mobilized hundreds of thousands of Catalans in massive demonstrations and have used media in a very efficient manner. The judicial responses to the secessionist process have used legality (police, prison) to allow repression, while the repeated anti-constitutional actions of the Catalan government have been justified as legitimated by popular support and by a historical accumulation of grievances.At the same time, repeated elections show that Catalan citizens are divided and have very different positions regarding their support for independence. This differentiation can be mapped according to social and economic criteria and almost literally projected in spatial coordinates. This other group of Catalans tried to mobilize to publicly show their disagreement over the secessionist project. Yet their arguments appear as reactive rather than based on any alternative evidence. Hence, they are co-opted by the central Spanish various governments' juridical position, which supports a unified Spanish national identity couched in the Constitution of 1978.This paper argues that an important aspect of the political confrontation is being played as an evidence struggle where the various social actors produce different kinds of evidence to justify their actions in the political arena and mobilize support.","PeriodicalId":39188,"journal":{"name":"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"31 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49058122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.2979/indjglolegstu.26.2.000i
McMackin
{"title":"Editor's Note","authors":"McMackin","doi":"10.2979/indjglolegstu.26.2.000i","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/indjglolegstu.26.2.000i","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39188,"journal":{"name":"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69709909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-25DOI: 10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0569
M. Massoud
Abstract:This Article proposes a set of theoretical ideas and practical innovations for the future of global legal studies in the three areas that make up the academic profession: research, teaching, and service. The future directions of global legal studies will involve building intellectual bridges that connect law with global politics, society, history, religion, and human behavior. Constructing these bridges preserves global legal studies as both an interdisciplinary enterprise and a movement for justice. This twin commitment to rigorous inquiry and social justice involves sustaining a welcoming community for graduate students and early career scholars, and prioritizing the experiences of those living and working in the global South. In the long run, investigating the complex social, political, and legal dynamics associated with globalization involves paying close attention to the blurred boundaries between law, politics, and power.
{"title":"Reflections on the Future of Global Legal Studies","authors":"M. Massoud","doi":"10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0569","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This Article proposes a set of theoretical ideas and practical innovations for the future of global legal studies in the three areas that make up the academic profession: research, teaching, and service. The future directions of global legal studies will involve building intellectual bridges that connect law with global politics, society, history, religion, and human behavior. Constructing these bridges preserves global legal studies as both an interdisciplinary enterprise and a movement for justice. This twin commitment to rigorous inquiry and social justice involves sustaining a welcoming community for graduate students and early career scholars, and prioritizing the experiences of those living and working in the global South. In the long run, investigating the complex social, political, and legal dynamics associated with globalization involves paying close attention to the blurred boundaries between law, politics, and power.","PeriodicalId":39188,"journal":{"name":"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"569 - 581"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42964978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-25DOI: 10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0671
H. Lindahl
Abstract:Given the emergence of challenges that are increasingly global in nature, and given the irreducible contingency of state borders, it would seem that justice must become global justice: justice that takes shape through a legal order that holds for all of humanity and everywhere. But is justice for all and everywhere possible? At issue, in this question, is not a rearguard defense of the state and state law. Instead, the question concerns the globality of global law and global justice. Is any legal order possible, global or otherwise, that organizes itself as an inside without an outside, that is, which is all-inclusive? A prima facie candidate for such an order is the Rome Statute, which established the International Criminal Court to investigate and prosecute genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression. Yet careful consideration of the scope of the Rome Statute shows that it cannot realize global justice as criminal justice without excluding other forms of justice, for example restorative justice, thereby both recognizing and misrecognizing the victims of the crimes the International Criminal Court is called on to investigate and prosecute. Humanity is inside and outside the Rome Statute's invocation of 'the international community as a whole.' Because it organizes itself as an inside vis-à-vis an outside, the Rome Statute, like all global law and justice, is local law and justice. If, as this article argues, the inside/outside contrast is constitutive for any imaginable legal order, it also draws on the asymmetries of processes of collective recognition to articulate a concept of global justice that is neither universalist nor particularist, neither all-encompassing nor relativistic.
{"title":"The Rome Statute: Global Justice and the Asymmetries of Recognition","authors":"H. Lindahl","doi":"10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0671","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Given the emergence of challenges that are increasingly global in nature, and given the irreducible contingency of state borders, it would seem that justice must become global justice: justice that takes shape through a legal order that holds for all of humanity and everywhere. But is justice for all and everywhere possible? At issue, in this question, is not a rearguard defense of the state and state law. Instead, the question concerns the globality of global law and global justice. Is any legal order possible, global or otherwise, that organizes itself as an inside without an outside, that is, which is all-inclusive? A prima facie candidate for such an order is the Rome Statute, which established the International Criminal Court to investigate and prosecute genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression. Yet careful consideration of the scope of the Rome Statute shows that it cannot realize global justice as criminal justice without excluding other forms of justice, for example restorative justice, thereby both recognizing and misrecognizing the victims of the crimes the International Criminal Court is called on to investigate and prosecute. Humanity is inside and outside the Rome Statute's invocation of 'the international community as a whole.' Because it organizes itself as an inside vis-à-vis an outside, the Rome Statute, like all global law and justice, is local law and justice. If, as this article argues, the inside/outside contrast is constitutive for any imaginable legal order, it also draws on the asymmetries of processes of collective recognition to articulate a concept of global justice that is neither universalist nor particularist, neither all-encompassing nor relativistic.","PeriodicalId":39188,"journal":{"name":"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"671 - 699"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43469556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-25DOI: 10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0701
Y. Cripps
Abstract:Chimeras, in the form of pig-human embryos engineered by CRISPRCas9 and other biotechnologies, have been created as potential sources of organs for transplantation. Against that background, and in an era of "precision medicine," this Article examines the concept of the global genetically modified person and asks whether humanness and personhood are being eroded, or finding new boundaries in intellectual property and constitutional law.
{"title":"The Global Person: Pig-Human Embryos, Personhood, and Precision Medicine","authors":"Y. Cripps","doi":"10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0701","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Chimeras, in the form of pig-human embryos engineered by CRISPRCas9 and other biotechnologies, have been created as potential sources of organs for transplantation. Against that background, and in an era of \"precision medicine,\" this Article examines the concept of the global genetically modified person and asks whether humanness and personhood are being eroded, or finding new boundaries in intellectual property and constitutional law.","PeriodicalId":39188,"journal":{"name":"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"701 - 727"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46189014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-25DOI: 10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0623
H. Lovelace
Abstract:This brief essay uses global legal studies to reconsider Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s activism after Gayle v. Browder. During this under-theorized portion of King's career, the civil rights leader traveled the world and gained a greater appreciation for comparative legal and political analysis. This essay explores King's first trip abroad and demonstrates how King's close study of Kwame Nkrumah's approaches to law reform helped to lay the foundation for watershed moments in King's own life.
{"title":"Martin, Ghana, and Global Legal Studies","authors":"H. Lovelace","doi":"10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0623","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0623","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This brief essay uses global legal studies to reconsider Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s activism after Gayle v. Browder. During this under-theorized portion of King's career, the civil rights leader traveled the world and gained a greater appreciation for comparative legal and political analysis. This essay explores King's first trip abroad and demonstrates how King's close study of Kwame Nkrumah's approaches to law reform helped to lay the foundation for watershed moments in King's own life.","PeriodicalId":39188,"journal":{"name":"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"623 - 637"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48496649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-25DOI: 10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0583
S. Sassen
Abstract:The article examines some of the key features of high finance (henceforth, simply finance) from the angle of the mix of capabilities that constitute the sector. It has a radically different organizing logic from that of, for instance, the typical mass consumer-oriented corporation. The article posits that finance has de-bordered the narrowly defined notion of finance as simply "financial firms and markets." It emphasizes its capacity to financialize a growing range of material and non-material elements. This has also meant that the sector by now encompasses a very broad range of financial and nonfinancial institutions, different types of jurisdictions, a growing set of technical infrastructures, and public and private domains. It is precisely this larger assemblage of complex components that has enabled finance to shake up much of the established order.
{"title":"Is High-Finance an Extractive Sector?","authors":"S. Sassen","doi":"10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0583","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The article examines some of the key features of high finance (henceforth, simply finance) from the angle of the mix of capabilities that constitute the sector. It has a radically different organizing logic from that of, for instance, the typical mass consumer-oriented corporation. The article posits that finance has de-bordered the narrowly defined notion of finance as simply \"financial firms and markets.\" It emphasizes its capacity to financialize a growing range of material and non-material elements. This has also meant that the sector by now encompasses a very broad range of financial and nonfinancial institutions, different types of jurisdictions, a growing set of technical infrastructures, and public and private domains. It is precisely this larger assemblage of complex components that has enabled finance to shake up much of the established order.","PeriodicalId":39188,"journal":{"name":"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"583 - 593"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45253824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-25DOI: 10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0775
Sarah Love
Abstract:This Note explores the changing role the debt ceiling has played within the United States and considers how that role should be altered moving forward. The debt ceiling's history and its political connections are discussed as a backdrop to how the United States might alter the debt ceiling to limit both future government shutdown and political gridlock. This Note examines both domestic and international solutions to the debt ceiling problem with an emphasis on the latter. In particular, the Note focuses on the possible international solution of adopting a system similar to Denmark's debt ceiling, or adopting a high debt-to-GDP ratio, similar to other non-U.S. countries.
{"title":"How to Improve the Debt Ceiling to Fit a Partisan Government: A Global Examination of Which International Solutions Excel","authors":"Sarah Love","doi":"10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0775","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/INDJGLOLEGSTU.25.2.0775","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This Note explores the changing role the debt ceiling has played within the United States and considers how that role should be altered moving forward. The debt ceiling's history and its political connections are discussed as a backdrop to how the United States might alter the debt ceiling to limit both future government shutdown and political gridlock. This Note examines both domestic and international solutions to the debt ceiling problem with an emphasis on the latter. In particular, the Note focuses on the possible international solution of adopting a system similar to Denmark's debt ceiling, or adopting a high debt-to-GDP ratio, similar to other non-U.S. countries.","PeriodicalId":39188,"journal":{"name":"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"775 - 796"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43230031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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