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Macedonia Faculties’ Students - “Chrisi Avgi” (Right Party) Followers’ Critique on the Greek Educational Policy 马其顿学院的学生-“Chrisi Avgi”(右翼党)追随者对希腊教育政策的批评
Pub Date : 2014-11-05 DOI: 10.2478/scs-2014-0172
Kalerante Evagelia
Abstract The present paper is involved with the Pedagogical faculties’ students’ critique on the current educational system as it has been altered after 1981. The research was carried out utilizing both quantitative and qualitative tools. Students-voters participated in the interviews whereas active voters were difficult to be located to meet the research requirements. The dynamics of the specific political party is based on a popular profile in terms of standpoints related to economic, social and political issues. The research findings depict the students’ strong wish for a change of the curricula and a turn towards History and Religion as well as an elevation of the Greek historic events, as the History books that have been written and taught at schools over the past years contributed to the downgrading of the Greek national and cultural identity. There is also a students’ strong belief that globalization and the immigrants’ presence in Greece have functioned in a negative way against the Greek ideal. Therefore, an overall change of the educational content could open the path towards the reconstruction of the moral values and the Greek national identity.
摘要:本文主要探讨了1981年后教育体制发生变化后,教育学院系学生对现行教育体制的批判。该研究是利用定量和定性工具进行的。学生选民参与了访谈,而积极选民难以定位,无法满足研究要求。特定政党的动态是基于与经济、社会和政治问题有关的立场方面的受欢迎的形象。研究结果表明,学生们强烈希望改变课程,转向历史和宗教,并提高希腊历史事件的地位,因为过去几年学校编写和教授的历史书籍导致了希腊民族和文化认同的降低。还有一群学生强烈认为,全球化和移民在希腊的存在对希腊理想产生了负面影响。因此,全面改变教育内容可以为道德价值观和希腊民族认同的重建开辟道路。
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引用次数: 2
Issues of Citizenship, National Identity and Political Socialization in Singapore: Implications to the Singapore Education System 新加坡的公民身份、国家认同与政治社会化问题:对新加坡教育制度的启示
Pub Date : 2014-11-05 DOI: 10.2478/scs-2014-0174
V. Reyes
Abstract This inquiry attempts to address the question: How has the Singapore city-state used its education system in integrating three important cornerstones of nation-building? Using selected data from the National Orientations of Singaporeans Survey complemented by policy documents, this article explores three specific questions: (1) How is citizenship education pursued? (2) How is national identity forged? And (3) How is political socialization engendered? The inquiry concludes with challenges that the Singapore education system faces as it tries to address its nation-building project
摘要:本文试图探讨新加坡这个城市国家是如何运用其教育体系来整合国家建设的三大基石的?本文利用新加坡国民取向调查的精选数据,辅以政策文件,探讨了三个具体问题:(1)公民教育是如何进行的?(二)国家身份是如何伪造的?(3)政治社会化是如何产生的?调查总结了新加坡教育系统在努力解决国家建设项目时所面临的挑战
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引用次数: 0
An Assessment of Religious Threats to Security and Survival of Democracy in Nigeria: A Case Study of the Incessant Killings of Igbos in Some Selected Northern States 对尼日利亚安全和民主生存的宗教威胁的评估:以某些选定的北方州伊博人不断被杀害的案例研究
Pub Date : 2014-11-05 DOI: 10.2478/scs-2014-0159
Christian Chima Chukwu
Abstract Religious threats continue to pose a real threat to security and survival of the nascent democracy in Nigeria, especially with the widespread and incessant killings of Igbos in some selected Northern States. Bombs explode regularly, killing huge numbers of people, especially at crowded squares in these states. Igbos who, dominate the Northern commercial landscape, have in their large numbers have been one of the worst hit. And one of the more notorious groups, the Boko Haram, the ultraviolent Islamic militant group that condemns western education, has always accepted responsibility for the killings. Their unwholesome activities which, have been impacting negatively on the various segments of society; creating the psychological basis for arbitrariness are compounded by the intense use of State authority by an effective minority of the Northern extraction to cover up and dismiss these detestable killings and abuses as being only the maturation of long festering extremist impulses that run deep in the social reality of Northern Nigeria, while doing nothing to halt the incessant atrocities against Igbos, as if they are responsible for the decades of failed government and elite delinquency finally ripening into social chaos therein. Thus, the main thrust of this paper is to assess religious threats to security and democracy in Nigeria with special focus on the incessant killings of Igbos. To achieve the purpose of this study, four research hypotheses and two theories, the Strain and differential association theories are used as theoretical framework to guide the study. Literatures related to the variables are reviewed including the adoption of the survey research and the construction of a four-point Likert type questionnaire to elicit information from a total of 290 respondents who constituted the data for the research. To test the hypotheses, the Pearson Product Moment Correlation Analysis Statistical technique was employed. The findings show among others that the group, Boko Haram itself, is an effect and not a cause; a symptom of decades of failed government and elite delinquency in Northern Nigeria and queries the rationale why Igbos should be sacrificed to correct the failings of the Northern elite. In addition, the paper also finds out that religious threat is a clog to the corporate existence of Nigeria despite democratization. As a result, this study recommends that the Federal Government should brace up to whatever are the grievances of the Boko Haram with a view to seeing how its members can be persuaded to renounce their warring posture, allow peace to reign in order to save the country's nascent democracy. Finally, the paper concludes that since Nigeria is a pluralist society, the Government through the mass media should enlighten the people on the essence of peaceful co-existence so as to engender national integration and save the country's nascent democracy.
宗教威胁继续对尼日利亚新生民主的安全和生存构成真正的威胁,特别是在一些选定的北部州广泛和不断地杀害伊博人。炸弹经常爆炸,造成大量人员死亡,特别是在这些州拥挤的广场上。在北方商业领域占主导地位的伊博人数量众多,他们是受打击最严重的群体之一。谴责西方教育的极端暴力伊斯兰武装组织博科圣地(Boko Haram)是最臭名昭著的组织之一,该组织一直承认对这些杀戮负有责任。他们的不良活动对社会各阶层产生了负面影响;造成了专断的心理基础,加上北部少数族裔有效地利用国家权力,掩盖和忽视这些令人憎恶的杀戮和虐待行为,认为这些行为只是在尼日利亚北部社会现实中根深蒂固的长期恶化的极端主义冲动的成熟,而无助于制止对伊博人的不断暴行,就好像他们要为几十年来政府的失败和精英们的犯罪行为负责,最终导致了社会的混乱。因此,本文的主旨是评估宗教对尼日利亚安全和民主的威胁,特别关注对伊博人的不断杀戮。为了达到本研究的目的,本文采用了四种研究假设和两种理论,即应变理论和微分关联理论作为理论框架来指导研究。回顾了与变量相关的文献,包括采用调查研究和构建四点李克特型问卷,以从构成研究数据的290名受访者中获取信息。为了检验假设,采用Pearson积矩相关分析统计技术。调查结果显示,博科圣地组织本身是一个结果,而不是原因;这是尼日利亚北部几十年来政府失败和精英犯罪的症状,并质疑为什么要牺牲伊博人来纠正北部精英的失败。此外,本文还发现,尽管尼日利亚实行了民主化,但宗教威胁仍然阻碍了该国企业的生存。因此,这项研究建议联邦政府应该振作起来,不管博科圣地的不满是什么,看看如何说服其成员放弃他们的交战姿态,允许和平统治,以拯救该国新生的民主。最后,本文的结论是,由于尼日利亚是一个多元化的社会,政府应该通过大众媒体来启发人民和平共处的本质,从而产生民族一体化,拯救国家新生的民主。
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引用次数: 3
Cultural Intelligence Scale (CQS): Testing Cross-cultural Transferability of CQS in Ukraine 文化智力量表(CQS):在乌克兰测试CQS的跨文化可转移性
Pub Date : 2014-11-05 DOI: 10.2478/scs-2014-0160
R. B. Johnson, S. Buko
Abstract The article examines the cross-cultural transferability of widely accepted cross-cultural assessment tool using research conducted in Ukraine - the Cultural Intelligence Scale (CQS), insights from the American and Ukrainian researchers who translated and adapted the instrument in Ukraine. Within the qualitative focus group study researchers look at the peculiarities of CQS perceptions by the Ukrainian audience sample and identify barriers of these perceptions, peculiarities of perceptions of citizens of Ukraine regarding cross-cultural interaction.
摘要本文考察了广泛接受的跨文化评估工具的跨文化可转移性,使用在乌克兰进行的研究-文化智力量表(CQS),来自美国和乌克兰研究人员的见解,他们在乌克兰翻译和改编了该工具。在定性焦点小组研究中,研究人员通过乌克兰受众样本观察CQS感知的特殊性,并确定这些感知的障碍,乌克兰公民对跨文化互动的感知的特殊性。
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引用次数: 6
Empowerment of Women and Panchayati Raj: The Perception and Reality - A Case Study of Rural Midnapore 妇女赋权与村长统治:感知与现实——以印度中部农村地区为例
Pub Date : 2014-11-05 DOI: 10.2478/scs-2014-0161
K. Mandal
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引用次数: 0
Women's Participation in Politics: Ukrainian Case 妇女参政:乌克兰案例
Pub Date : 2014-11-05 DOI: 10.2478/scs-2014-0153
S. Alexey
Abstract The international practices takes into account the question of women's participation in the political life of modern Ukraine. The selection of the state was due to the dynamic process of democratic transformation - the separation of powers, the formation of multi-party competition among political actors in the electoral process, the activity women in the various institutions of civil society. The position was claimed on the basis of empirical data range of academic institutions and reputable sociological centers, and also interviews with experts who said that the creation of real conditions for self-realization by women's interest in politics is only possible for long term. The process is controversial and caused by political culture, traditions and interests of the ruling class represented mainly by men.
国际惯例考虑到妇女参与现代乌克兰政治生活的问题。国家的选择是由于民主转型的动态过程- -权力分立,选举过程中政治行为者之间形成多党竞争,妇女在民间社会各种机构中的活动。这一结论是根据学术机构和知名社会中心的经验数据,以及对专家们的采访得出的。专家们表示,女性参与政治的自我实现的现实条件只有长期才有可能创造。这个过程是有争议的,是由以男性为代表的统治阶级的政治文化、传统和利益造成的。
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引用次数: 2
Gender Empowerment Through Education 通过教育赋予性别权力
Pub Date : 2014-11-05 DOI: 10.2478/SCS-2014-0175
K. Mandal
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引用次数: 0
Corruption and Campaign Funding: A Burkean Perspective 腐败与竞选资金:一个伯克的视角
Pub Date : 2014-11-05 DOI: 10.2478/scs-2014-0168
Jonathan Mendilow
Edmond Burke based his 1780 plea for economic reform on a notion of political corruption that he touched on only in few additional letters and addresses of the time. It was soon eclipsed by other “burning” questions that occupied his mind, and remains among his less developed and less studied ideas. It nevertheless merits attention. As a pragmatic politician with a philosophical bent, his main aim in the speech on reform was to sway the politics of his time; yet his deductive reasoning led him to generalizations that may point to a possible direction by which we can look for solutions to some of the problems that beset current understandings of corruption. Of special interest in this context is his treatment of situations where widespread perception of corruption exists without any massive lawbreaking. In what follows I will argue that Burke’s conception stakes a midway position between the older, “classic” views of corruption, and the thought of the 18th century liberals that informs our current perceptions of the phenomenon. Both received ample attention in the literature. Nevertheless, a brief note may serve as context for the consideration of Burke’s ideas on the subject.
埃德蒙·伯克在1780年的经济改革呼吁中,提出了一个政治腐败的概念,他只在当时的几封信和演讲中提到过这个概念。这个问题很快就被他脑子里的其他“急迫”问题所掩盖,留在他的思想中,没有得到充分发展和研究。尽管如此,它还是值得关注。作为一位具有哲学倾向的务实政治家,他在改革演讲中的主要目的是动摇他那个时代的政治;然而,他的演绎推理使他得出了一些概括性的结论,这些结论可能为我们指明了一个可能的方向,通过这个方向,我们可以寻找一些困扰当前对腐败理解的问题的解决方案。在此背景下,特别有趣的是他对腐败普遍存在但没有大规模违法行为的情况的处理。在接下来的文章中,我将论证,伯克的概念介于旧的、“经典”的腐败观和18世纪自由主义者的思想之间,后者影响了我们对这一现象的当前看法。两者在文献中都得到了充分的关注。然而,一个简短的说明可以作为考虑伯克在这个问题上的想法的背景。
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引用次数: 0
New Media as a Formation Factor for Digital Sociology: The Consequences of the Networking in the Society and the Intellectualization of the Communications 新媒体作为数字社会学的形成因素:社会网络化与传播智能化的后果
Pub Date : 2014-11-05 DOI: 10.2478/scs-2014-0154
O. Kyslova, Ekateryna Berdnyk
Abstract The perspectives of digital sociology formation through the prism of transformation of new media are considered in the article. We confirm the beginning of the age of intelligent media, which incorporate the network principle of organization of the interactions with the implementations of artifacts (artificial intelligent agents) to communication processes and are the base for the formation of digital environment for human life. Among the main socio-cultural effects of the development of new media we rank the expansion of social reality due to the addition of a “digital dimension” to it, the formation of network culture and actualization of the communicative (and subsequently, network and digital) subjectivity. We consider the network culture from the point of view of the activity approach and define it as a conglomerate of stationary value and normative mechanisms, technological means of implementation and results of network communications. We consider the network culture formation to be a result of the societal networking and it serves as the basis for subsequent cultural transformations - the rise of digital culture, outlines of which can be traced along with the general digitization and formation of the high-technology digital society. The conclusion, that digital sociology is called to study the laws of social life of a contemporary person integrated into a digital space of new media, is made.
本文通过新媒体转型的棱镜来思考数字社会学的形成视角。我们确认智能媒体时代的开始,它将交互组织的网络原理与人工制品(人工智能代理)的实现结合到通信过程中,是形成人类生活数字环境的基础。在新媒体发展的主要社会文化影响中,我们将社会现实的扩张(由于增加了“数字维度”)、网络文化的形成和交际主体性(以及随后的网络和数字主体性)的实现排在首位。我们从活动方法的角度来考虑网络文化,并将其定义为固定价值和规范机制、实现技术手段和网络传播结果的综合体。我们认为网络文化的形成是社会网络化的结果,它是随后的文化转型的基础——数字文化的兴起,其轮廓可以随着普遍的数字化和高科技数字社会的形成而被追踪。得出结论:数字社会学的使命是研究融入新媒体数字空间的当代人的社会生活规律。
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引用次数: 1
Corruption and Campaign Funding: A Burkean Perspective 腐败与竞选资金:一个伯克的视角
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2478/scs-2014-0147
Jonathan Mendilow
Abstract Edmond Burke based his 1780 plea for economic reform on a notion of political corruption that he touched on only in few additional letters and addresses of the time. It was soon eclipsed by other “burning” questions that occupied his mind, and remains among his less developed and less studied ideas. It nevertheless merits attention. As a pragmatic politician with a philosophical bent, his main aim in the speech on reform was to sway the politics of his time; yet his deductive reasoning led him to generalizations that may point to a possible direction by which we can look for solutions to some of the problems that beset current understandings of corruption. Of special interest in this context is his treatment of situations where widespread perception of corruption exists with out any massive law- breaking. In what follows I will argue that Burkes conception stakes a midway position between the older, “classic” views of corruption, and the thought of the 18th century liberals that informs our current perceptions of the phenomenon. Both received ample attention in the literature. Nevertheless, a brief note may serve as context for the consideration of Burkes ideas on the subject.
埃德蒙·伯克(edmund Burke)在1780年提出的经济改革呼吁的基础是政治腐败的概念,他只在当时的几封信和演讲中提到过这个概念。这个问题很快就被他脑子里的其他“急迫”问题所掩盖,留在他的思想中,没有得到充分发展和研究。尽管如此,它还是值得关注。作为一位具有哲学倾向的务实政治家,他在改革演讲中的主要目的是动摇他那个时代的政治;然而,他的演绎推理使他得出了一些概括性的结论,这些结论可能为我们指明了一个可能的方向,通过这个方向,我们可以寻找一些困扰当前对腐败理解的问题的解决方案。在此背景下,特别令人感兴趣的是他对普遍认为存在腐败但没有大规模违法行为的情况的处理。在接下来的文章中,我将论证,伯克的观点介于旧的、“经典”的腐败观点和18世纪自由主义者的思想之间,后者影响了我们对腐败现象的当前看法。两者在文献中都得到了充分的关注。然而,一个简短的说明可以作为考虑伯克在这个问题上的想法的背景。
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引用次数: 0
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Studies of Changing Societies
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