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The many lives of writer Jef Last (1898-1972) Anti-fascist, socialist, humanist and gay rights activist 作家杰夫-拉斯特(1898-1972)的众多人生 反法西斯主义者、社会主义者、人道主义者和同性恋权利活动家
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.3898/175864324838181281
Rudi Wester, With Elke Weesjes
Writer, poet, painter, journalist, translator and compelling speaker: Jef Last roamed the globe, fought in the Spanish Civil War, joined the Dutch resistance during the Nazi occupation, and became an outspoken gay rights activist during and after World War II. His political journey started in 1917 when he joined the Social Democratic Workers Party. From there he had brief yet tumultuous stints in the Revolutionary Socialist Party of Henk Sneevliet and the Dutch Communist Party. Disappointed with socialism and the Soviet Union, he identified as a humanist in later life. Last was controversial yet appealing, and both selfish and selfless. Difficult to categorise, Last insisted on the indivisibility of his identity and experiences as an antifas- cist fighter and a gay man. This biographical article explores the many social identities of Jef Last.
作家、诗人、画家、记者、翻译和令人信服的演说家:耶夫-拉斯特漫游全球,参加过西班牙内战,在纳粹占领期间加入过荷兰抵抗运动,并在二战期间和二战后成为一名直言不讳的同性恋权利活动家。他的政治之旅始于 1917 年,当时他加入了社会民主工党。从那时起,他在亨克-斯涅夫利特的革命社会主义党和荷兰共产党中经历了短暂而动荡的时期。由于对社会主义和苏联感到失望,他在晚年成为了一名人道主义者。拉斯特既有争议又有吸引力,既自私又无私。拉斯特的身份和经历难以归类,他坚持认为自己作为反社会主义战士和同性恋者的身份和经历是不可分割的。这篇传记文章探讨了杰夫-拉斯特的多种社会身份。
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引用次数: 0
At the crossroads of race and gender during the Spanish Civil War 西班牙内战期间种族与性别的十字路口
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.3898/175864324838181263
Kathryn A. Everly
Salaria Kea, the only African American nurse to serve during the Spanish Civil War, fought against racism and fascism her entire life. Her contributions during the war in Spain, as well as her legacy, have become complicated matters, as the veracity of her testimony found in archival materials is routinely questioned and at times blatantly negated. Kea's experience as an African American woman positions her at the crossroads of racial and gender hierarchies that mark her identity in complex ways. Through the lens of various theories of intersectionality, this article will grapple with the precarious modes of historical discourse found in the archive, and vindicate Kea's testimony, recognising it as making a crucial contribution – from a unique perspective – to the understanding of a more nuanced historical picture.
萨拉丽亚-凯亚(Salaria Kea)是唯一一位在西班牙内战期间服役的非裔美国护士,她一生都在与种族主义和法西斯主义作斗争。她在西班牙战争期间所做的贡献以及她留下的遗产已成为复杂的问题,因为她在档案材料中的证词的真实性经常受到质疑,有时甚至被公然否定。作为一名非裔美国妇女,Kea 的经历使她处于种族和性别等级制度的十字路口,而这些制度以复杂的方式为她的身份打上了烙印。本文将通过各种交叉性理论的视角,探讨档案中岌岌可危的历史话语模式,为 Kea 的证词平反,承认其从独特的视角为理解更细致入微的历史图景做出了重要贡献。
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引用次数: 0
The leadership and legacy of a female communist resistance fighter in Paris: Danielle Casanova (1909-1943) 巴黎女共产主义抵抗战士的领导才能和遗产:达尼埃尔-卡萨诺瓦(1909-1943 年)
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.3898/175864324838181245
Amy Morrison
Danielle Casanova (1909-1943) was a leading activist in the French communist movement throughout the 1930s and early 1940s. This article considers her identity as a communist woman and how this informed her action as an anti-fascist, in order to explore when and how she has been commemorated. Her particular action as a resister during the Second World War was determined by both her commitment to communist ideology and her gender. Her identity markers have impacted upon when and how she has been commemorated both within and outside of the communist movement. Her story was widely shared by the party because she was a communist, but the way in which her legacy was shaped and where and how she was commemorated was dependent upon her identity as a woman. In commemorations outside of the movement, Casanova's identity as a woman has been used to avoid her identification as a communist. A consideration of the legacy of her actions beyond her identity markers helps us to gain a deeper understanding of resistance in France during the Second World War. This approach focuses on the private legacy of Casanova and the strength this can give to her past and future public commemorations.
达尼埃尔-卡萨诺瓦(Danielle Casanova,1909-1943 年)是整个 20 世纪 30 年代和 40 年代初法国共产主义运动的主要活动家。本文探讨了她的共产主义女性身份,以及这一身份如何影响她的反法西斯行动,从而探讨何时以及如何纪念她。她在第二次世界大战期间作为抵抗者的特殊行动是由她对共产主义意识形态的承诺和她的性别决定的。她的身份标志影响了共产主义运动内外纪念她的时间和方式。由于她是一名共产党员,她的故事被党广泛传播,但她的遗产是如何形成的,以及在哪里和如何纪念她,则取决于她的女性身份。在运动之外的纪念活动中,卡萨诺瓦的女性身份被用来回避她作为共产党员的身份。对卡萨诺瓦行动的遗产进行超越其身份标志的思考,有助于我们更深入地了解第二次世界大战期间法国的抵抗运动。这种方法侧重于卡萨诺瓦的私人遗产,以及这可以为她过去和未来的公开纪念活动带来的力量。
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引用次数: 0
Resisting fascism: The Argentine Junta de la Victoria and its president, 1941-1955 抵抗法西斯主义:阿根廷维多利亚军政府及其总统,1941-1955 年
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.3898/175864324838181308
Sandra McGee
Created in 1941, the Junta de la Victoria (Victory Board, JV) was a Popular Front movement that supplied the Allies. It attracted about 45,000 diverse women throughout Argentina. The JV challenged local fascism by modelling a genuine democracy based on pluralism, intersectional solidarity, freedom, and women's political incorporation. Members created ties across social differences. The JV's promotion of multiculturalism facilitated a shift from the Argentine ideal of a melting pot to one of ethnic diversity. Its president, Ana Rosa Schlieper, seemed an unlikely resistance fighter. Initially her main identities were those of wife, philanthropist, and upper-class socialite. Her whiteness, beauty, and charm enhanced her prestige. In the mid-1930s Schlieper added antifascist and feminist to her intertwined identities. Seizing power in 1943, military officers suppressed the JV, seeing it as a communist organisation. Some Argentine and U. S. officials accused Schlieper of being a communist dupe, although she was loyal to the democratic centrist Radical party. Under populist president Juan Perón (1946-1955), her class and political identities became liabilities. Peronist hegemony and fear of being identified with an anti-Peronist and leftist group obliterated the public memory of Schlieper and the JV until recently.
维多利亚委员会(Junta de la Victoria,简称 JV)成立于 1941 年,是一个为盟军提供支持的人民阵线运动。它吸引了阿根廷全国各地约 45 000 名不同的妇女。维多利亚人民阵线挑战当地的法西斯主义,在多元化、交叉团结、自由和妇女参政的基础上建立了真正的民主模式。成员们建立了跨越社会差异的联系。合资组织对多元文化的推动促进了阿根廷从大熔炉理想向种族多样性理想的转变。该组织主席安娜-罗莎-施利珀(Ana Rosa Schlieper)似乎是一个不太可能成为抵抗战士的人。起初,她的主要身份是妻子、慈善家和上流社会的社交名媛。她的白人身份、美貌和魅力提高了她的声望。20 世纪 30 年代中期,施利珀在她交织在一起的身份中加入了反法西斯和女权主义者。1943 年,军官们夺取了政权,将 JV 视为共产主义组织,对其进行镇压。一些阿根廷和美国官员指责施利珀是共产主义的受骗者,尽管她忠于民主中间派激进党。在民粹主义总统胡安-庇隆(1946-1955 年)的统治下,她的阶级和政治身份成了累赘。庇隆主义霸权和害怕被认定为反庇隆主义和左派团体的恐惧抹去了公众对施利珀和合资公司的记忆,直到最近。
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引用次数: 0
Ilektra Apostolou: A Greek female resistance fighter and a heroine of the left 伊莱克特拉-阿波斯托卢希腊女抵抗战士和左翼女英雄
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.3898/175864324838181254
Christina Chatzitheodorou
The Greek resistance fighter Ilektra Apostolou was executed on 26 July 1944, by the collaborationist security forces in Greece during the Second World War. Apostolou was a member of Kommounistiko Komma Ellados (KKE, Communist Party of Greece) and of Eniaia Panneladiki Organosi Newn (EPON, United Panhellenic Organisation of Youth), and was involved in pre-war antifascist action. During the resistance, she tried to pass on the mentality she had developed from this early involvement to young women in EPON and Lefteri Nea (LT, Free Young Woman): that women would be liberated only by actively participating in social struggles. Her biography is examined with a critical eye, taking into consideration that it was largely written after the war. This means that it not only provides a factual representation of Apostolou: it also functions as a lieu de memoire, a site of memory. The politics of memory influences how her biography is constructed. The second part focuses on the memorialisation of Apostolou, examining it through the lens of intersectionality. Identity criteria – such as gender, race, age and political identification – and the changing relative significance attributed to them are important both for shaping and understanding, memorialisa- tion processes. An intersectional approach seeks to reveal the hidden dimensions behind the memorialisation process. The last part focuses on Apostolou's post-war legacy and explores how her memorialisation was intertwined with political developments from 1944 to the present, with a particular focus on the contestation over Apostolou's memory between the right and the left at various points in modern Greek history. The article draws on a combination of secondary and primary sources, the main primary sources being those found in the Educational Centre of Charilaos Florakis (Archive of the Greek Communist Party) and the Contemporary Social History Archives (ASKI).
1944 年 7 月 26 日,希腊抵抗战士伊莱克特拉-阿波斯托罗(Ilektra Apostolou)被第二次世界大战期间希腊的协约国安全部队处决。阿波斯托罗是希腊共产党(KKE)和泛希腊青年联合组织(EPON)的成员,并参与了战前的反法西斯行动。在抵抗运动期间,她试图将自己在早期参与中形成的思想传递给 EPON 和 Lefteri Nea(LT,自由女青年)中的年轻女性:女性只有积极参与社会斗争才能获得解放。考虑到她的传记主要是在战后撰写的,我们将以批判的眼光来审视她的传记。这意味着它不仅如实地再现了阿波斯托罗的情况,还起到了记忆之所的作用。记忆政治影响了她的传记的构建方式。第二部分侧重于对阿波斯托卢的纪念,通过交叉性的视角对其进行研究。身份标准--如性别、种族、年龄和政治认同--以及赋予它们的相对重要性的变化,对于形成和理解纪念过程都非常重要。交叉方法试图揭示纪念过程背后隐藏的层面。最后一部分侧重于阿波斯托罗的战后遗产,探讨她的纪念活动如何与 1944 年至今的政治发展交织在一起,尤其关注希腊现代史上右翼和左翼在不同时期对阿波斯托罗记忆的争夺。文章综合利用了二手资料和原始资料,其中主要的原始资料来自查里劳斯-弗洛拉基斯教育中心(希腊共产党档案馆)和当代社会历史档案馆(ASKI)。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: anti-fascist resistance fighters, intersectionality and memory 导言:反法西斯抵抗战士、交叉性与记忆
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.3898/175864324838181290
Kasper Braskén
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引用次数: 0
Gavin Bowd, Les communismes britannique et français, 1920-1991. Un conte de deux partis; Marco Di Maggio, The Rise and Fall of Communist Parties in France and Italy. Entangled Historical Approaches 加文·鲍德,《英国与法国的共产主义》,1920-1991。Un conte de deux partis;马可·迪·马乔:《法国和意大利共产党的兴衰》。纠缠的历史方法
Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.3898/175864323837280472
S. Hopkins
In 1944 America, 41 per cent of men and 28 per cent of women read comics, plus 91 per cent of American children. By 1950, 'the comics industry generated an annual profit of almost $41 million dollars and published 50 million comics a month: everyone read comics' (pp 17-18). Resistance to the industry came from groups such as church and parental organisations that assumed children read the texts seriously. 1954 witnessed the adoption of the Comics Code Authority (CCA), a self-regulatory body that prohibited certain content. It dealt a huge blow to the horror genre, although it did not destroy it: it was to see a significant revival in the 1970s when the CCA reviewed their standards.Printing Terror. American Horror Comics as Cold War Commentary and Critique provides a broad history of the comics it addresses, but its key focus is on addressing the horror genre as a cultural force and examining its commentary on the world.
在1944年的美国,41%的男性和28%的女性以及91%的美国儿童阅读漫画。到1950年,“漫画行业每年产生近4100万美元的利润,每月出版5000万部漫画:人人都看漫画”(第17-18页)。对该行业的抵制来自教会和家长组织等团体,他们认为孩子们会认真阅读这些文本。1954年,漫画代码管理局(CCA)成立,这是一个自我监管机构,禁止某些内容。它给恐怖电影类型带来了巨大的打击,尽管它并没有摧毁它:20世纪70年代,当美国电影协会重新审视他们的标准时,它迎来了一次重大的复兴。印刷的恐怖。作为冷战评论和批判的美国恐怖漫画提供了它所涉及的漫画的广泛历史,但它的重点是将恐怖类型作为一种文化力量并审视其对世界的评论。
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引用次数: 1
Editors' Introduction: Communist Anti-Racism and Anti-Colonialism In The Comintern Era 编者按:共产国际时代的共产主义反种族主义与反殖民主义
Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.3898/175864323837280553
Thomas W Beaumont, T. Rees
The articles assembled in this special issue of Twentieth Century Communism explore the related themes of Communist engagement with the politics of anti-colonialism and of anti-racism during the Comintern era. This special issue represents the first publication to emerge from the AHRC-funded 'Rethinking International Communism' research network. The articles were among those presented at the workshop, 'Communist Anti-Racism and Anti-Imperialism', held at the University of Exeter in April 2022. 1 The authors approach the subject with research interests and interdisciplinary backgrounds that illustrate the contrasting, but complementary, perspectives in the expanding body of studies on the relationships between interwar international communism and struggles for liberation from colonialism, imperialism and racial oppression. They also represent the intersection of two mutually enriching approaches that have driven this new research and more nuanced interpretations: studies that are largely concerned with fitting communist involvement into the wider histories of interwar anti-colonialism and anti-racism; and studies focusing on the role of anti-colonialism and anti-racism as an important aspect of interwar international communism. Together they demonstrate the myriad ways in which anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism and anti-racism were often defining elements in the commitment of a great many communists to the international communist movement. 2 They also show how pivotal their involvement in liberation struggles often was in the wider development and success of those causes in the longer term.
本期《二十世纪共产主义》特刊的文章探讨了共产国际时期共产主义参与反殖民主义和反种族主义政治的相关主题。本期特刊是由美国人权委员会资助的“反思国际共产主义”研究网络发表的第一份出版物。这些文章是在2022年4月在埃克塞特大学举行的“共产主义反种族主义和反帝国主义”研讨会上发表的。作者从研究兴趣和跨学科背景出发,阐述了在不断扩大的关于两次世界大战之间的国际共产主义与从殖民主义、帝国主义和种族压迫中解放出来的斗争之间关系的研究中,不同但又互补的观点。它们也代表了两种相互丰富的方法的交集,这两种方法推动了这项新的研究和更细致入微的解释:这些研究主要关注将共产主义的参与融入到两次世界大战之间反殖民主义和反种族主义的更广泛的历史中;而反殖民主义和反种族主义作为两次世界大战之间国际共产主义研究的一个重要方面,其作用则是研究的重点。他们共同展示了反殖民主义、反帝国主义和反种族主义往往是许多共产主义者致力于国际共产主义运动的决定性因素。他们还表明,从长远来看,他们参与解放斗争对这些事业的更广泛发展和成功是多么关键。
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引用次数: 0
Julian Mischi, Le parti des communistes. Histoire du PCF De 1920 à nos jou 朱利安·米斯基,共产党。PCF的历史从1920年到今天
Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.3898/175864323837280535
Romain Ducoulombier
The centenary of the French Communist Party (Parti communiste français, PCF), founded in December 1920 at the Congress of Tours, did not lead to any major turning points within its historiography. Despite a handful of newly published books, no central debates or major breakthroughs have arisen from the low-intensity commemoration of the event.
1920年12月在图尔大会上成立的法国共产党(Parti communiste franais, PCF)的百年纪念并没有导致其史学上的任何重大转折点。尽管新出版了一些书籍,但在低强度的纪念活动中,没有出现任何核心辩论或重大突破。
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引用次数: 0
A 'constant lurking danger'? The Comintern's Far Eastern Bureau, 1928-33 “持续潜伏的危险”?共产国际远东局,1928- 1933年
Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.3898/175864323837280481
Heather Streets-Salter
This article explores the creation and operation of the Comintern's Far Eastern Bureau (FEB), which existed from 1928 to 1934 and was headquartered in Shanghai, China. It investigates why the FEB was organised, who was involved in its operations, and what its agents were doing at a time when communism had been declared illegal by the Guomindang Party. It also offers an assessment of the FEB in terms of its impact on China and the wider region, especially on whether or not the FEB's existence influenced the development of the Chinese Communist Party and other communist movements in East and Southeast Asia. Finally, this article assesses the level of threat the FEB posed to the Chinese Guomindang Party and to the various colonial regimes in the region, as well as its successes and failures. Its purpose is to renew interest in the FEB and to prompt a more sustained discussion about its composition, activities, impact and legacies.
本文探讨了共产国际远东局(FEB)的创建和运作,该组织成立于1928年至1934年,总部设在中国上海。它调查了为什么组织FEB,谁参与了它的行动,以及在共产党宣布共产主义非法的时候,它的代理人在做什么。它还提供了对FEB对中国和更广泛地区的影响的评估,特别是FEB的存在是否影响了中国共产党和东亚和东南亚其他共产主义运动的发展。最后,本文评估了FEB对中国国民党和该地区各种殖民政权的威胁程度,以及它的成功和失败。其目的是重新引起人们对FEB的兴趣,并促使人们对其组成、活动、影响和遗产进行更持久的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
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Twentieth Century Communism
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