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The Jerusalem Temple and Emperor Julian’s “Invention of Tradition” 耶路撒冷圣殿与朱利安皇帝的“传统发明”
IF 0.6 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2021.1880956
Jeffrey Brodd
Abstract Emperor Julian based his attempt to rebuild the Jerusalem temple in the spring of 363 CE on a version of Judaism that constitutes an “invented tradition” per the theoretical construct developed by Eric Hobsbawm and others in The Invention of Tradition (1983). Julian envisioned the rebuilt temple as a venue for animal sacrifice in honour of the god of the Jews—a god whom Julian identified as one in his Neoplatonic pantheon. He endeavoured to appropriate the ancient tradition of the Jewish cultic rites and their sacred site to fortify his own “Hellene” religious tradition, a combination of elements of ancient Greek and Roman traditions, mystery religions, and fourth-century Neoplatonism that emphasised the efficacy of animal sacrifice. From the point of view of Christian authors, the real motive lay in the emperor’s desire to assail Christianity and its own recently established tradition involving the destruction in 70 CE of the temple, namely that prophecy had been fulfilled and Christians had become the new “chosen people” of God. Julian’s attempt to rebuild the temple thus provides a lens through which to consider a complex interplay of various traditions. I argue that Julian was motivated by his Hellene religious commitment, not necessarily by anti-Christian sentiment—although his Hellenism was in some ways fundamentally incompatible with Christianity. Nor did Julian strive to restore ancient Jewish tradition primarily for the benefit of the Jewish community. Rather, through his “invented” version of their religious tradition, he sought to nurture his own.
摘要公元363年春,朱利安皇帝试图重建耶路撒冷神庙,其基础是犹太教的一个版本,该版本根据埃里克·霍布斯鲍姆等人在《传统的发明》(1983)中提出的理论结构构成了“发明的传统”。朱利安设想重建后的神庙是为了纪念犹太人之神而进行动物祭祀的场所,朱利安在他的新柏拉图万神殿中认为这是一位神。他努力利用犹太邪教仪式的古老传统及其圣地来巩固自己的“希腊”宗教传统,这是古希腊和罗马传统、神秘宗教和四世纪新柏拉图主义的结合,强调动物祭祀的功效。从基督教作家的角度来看,真正的动机在于皇帝想要攻击基督教及其最近确立的传统,即在公元70年摧毁了圣殿,即预言已经实现,基督徒已经成为上帝的新“被选中的人”。因此,朱利安重建神庙的尝试提供了一个视角,可以通过它来考虑各种传统的复杂相互作用。我认为朱利安的动机是他的希腊宗教承诺,而不一定是反基督教情绪——尽管他的希腊主义在某些方面与基督教根本不兼容。朱利安也没有主要为了犹太社区的利益而努力恢复古老的犹太传统。相反,通过他对他们宗教传统的“发明”版本,他试图培养自己的宗教传统。
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引用次数: 2
On the Rhetoric of Ruins and Restorations: Conflict over Cult Sites in Late Antiquity 论废墟与修复的修辞:晚期文化遗址的冲突
IF 0.6 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2020.1783336
D. R. Edwards
Abstract This article discusses competing interpretations of and rhetoric concerning cult sites in late antiquity. It highlights concerns by Christian and Greco-Roman intellectuals over their ruins and restorations, and locates those concerns within larger metanarratives of the past that are utilised to “prove” the superiority of one tradition over the other. Applying theories of “cultural memory” and “memory politics,” it notes the inherent instability of cultural artifacts and the necessity to constantly “fix” an audience’s perception and interpretation of said artifacts. In this study, the artifacts in question are the temple of Apollo in Daphne and the Jewish temple in Jerusalem, while the agents who attempted to fix the memory of these sites through either appeal to their ruins or to their attempted restorations are, respectively, John Chrysostom and the emperor Julian. They each exploited the tools at their disposal in this polemical battle, variously turning to powerful rhetorical appeal to the senses, authoritative and text-like interpretation of the sites’ states for their audiences, and even attempts at altering the sites’ physical spaces when possible. The significance of the contest over these two cult sites lies in the convergence of Chrysostom and Julian upon them, illustrating not only substantial agreement about the nature and terms of a competition they each perceived between rival traditions, but perhaps more importantly, the stark polarisation of both figures and the resistance which each met from their respective constituencies—resistance which itself helps to explain the zeal with which they enacted their programmes.
摘要本文讨论了对古代晚期邪教遗址的相互竞争的解释和修辞。它强调了基督教和希腊罗马知识分子对他们的废墟和修复的担忧,并将这些担忧定位在过去更大的元叙事中,这些元叙事被用来“证明”一种传统相对于另一种传统的优越性。运用“文化记忆”和“记忆政治”的理论,它指出了文化文物固有的不稳定性,以及不断“修复”观众对所述文物的感知和解释的必要性。在这项研究中,有问题的文物是达芙尼的阿波罗神庙和耶路撒冷的犹太神庙,而试图通过对这些遗址的废墟或修复来修复这些遗址记忆的特工分别是约翰·克里索斯托姆和皇帝朱利安。在这场争论中,他们每个人都利用了自己掌握的工具,以各种方式转向对感官的有力修辞吸引力,为观众对网站状态的权威和文本式解释,甚至试图在可能的情况下改变网站的物理空间。对这两个邪教场所的竞争的意义在于Chrysostom和Julian对它们的融合,这不仅表明了他们各自认为的竞争传统之间的性质和条款达成了实质性的一致,而且可能更重要的是,两位人物的明显两极分化以及各自选区的阻力——阻力本身有助于解释他们制定计划的热情。
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引用次数: 1
Horrors of the Inner Chamber: Temples, Homes, and Secret Atrocities in Late Antiquity 内室的恐怖:古代晚期的庙宇、住宅和秘密暴行
IF 0.6 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2020.1816486
D. Frankfurter
Abstract This article addresses a pattern in the representation of the spaces of heathen practice in late antique Christian literature and in the conceptualisation of a necessary response to those spaces. I argue that Christian authors came to regard both temple structures and homes as suspicious enclosures, potentially concealing nefarious practices that could harm civic order and fortune. This view developed out of both a progressive suspicion of the domestic sphere in late antique Christian culture as harbouring heathen and heretical devotion, and a broader Roman suspicion of the Near Eastern temple, its architecture, and its secret priestly activities within. Such temples were constructed from early antiquity to exclude outsiders and to privilege a priestly cult within, unlike Roman temples that visibly framed the main cult image.
摘要本文论述了晚期古代基督教文学中异教徒实践空间的表现模式,以及对这些空间的必要回应的概念化。我认为,基督教作家开始将寺庙结构和房屋视为可疑的围墙,可能掩盖可能损害公民秩序和财富的邪恶行为。这种观点的发展既源于对晚期古代基督教文化中的家庭领域的逐渐怀疑,认为其窝藏异教徒和异端信仰,也源于罗马对近东神庙、其建筑及其内部秘密牧师活动的更广泛怀疑。这些寺庙从古代早期就开始建造,目的是排斥外来者,并在内部对神职人员的崇拜给予特权,而不像罗马寺庙那样明显地构成了主要的崇拜形象。
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引用次数: 2
The Vestal Nun: The Afterlife and Reception of Vestal Virgins in Art and Literature in Late Antiquity and After 灶神:古代晚期及以后文艺中灶神的来生与接受
IF 0.6 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2021.1926302
Sissel Undheim
Abstract This article traces some strands of the reception of Vestal Virgins from Late Antiquity through the Middle Ages and to the modern era. An in-depth study of all available sources is beyond the scope of this article, but a survey of some popular and often widely diffused texts from these periods may give us an indication of the “afterlife” of the Vestal Virgins. The study starts by discussing some examples from different kinds of literature where the notion of the Vestal Virgins as “proximate others” to the virgins of the Church is encountered, before turning to the remarkable concept of incestum as a term specifically applied to describe the loss of sacred virgins’ virginity. The main argument is that the Vestal Virgins came to be irrevocably entangled with later conceptualisations of Christian virginity, and that the representation and reception of Vestal Virgins as “same but not-same” as Christian virgins played an important part in conveying these underlying comparative conceptualisations of the Vestals.
摘要本文追溯了从古代晚期到中世纪再到现代对灶神的接受。对所有可用来源的深入研究超出了本文的范围,但对这些时期的一些流行且经常广泛传播的文本进行调查可能会让我们了解灶神的“来生”。这项研究首先讨论了不同类型文献中的一些例子,在这些例子中,灶神贞女被认为是教会贞女的“近邻”,然后转向乱伦的显著概念,这是一个专门用来描述失去神圣贞女的术语。主要论点是,灶神童贞与后来对基督教童贞的概念化产生了不可逆转的纠缠,灶神处女与基督教童贞“相同但不相同”的表现和接受在传达灶神的这些潜在比较概念化方面发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 3
Ambivalent Appropriation: Engagement with Apollo in Jewish and Christian Texts and Material Culture 矛盾挪用:在犹太教和基督教文本和物质文化中与阿波罗的接触
IF 0.6 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2021.1878922
Olivia Stewart Lester
Abstract This article considers ancient Jewish and Christian engagement with Apollo traditions in texts and material objects from the second century BCE to the sixth century CE. I track a shared strategy in which both Jews and Christians adopt imagery or tropes that surround Apollo, but either (1) reassign them to their god or Jesus, or (2) relocate them within spaces devoted to the worship of their god. In light of Roman imperial use of Apollo traditions, I draw on postcolonial theory to suggest that we might label this recurrent transformative strategy “ambivalent appropriation.” Persistent ambivalent appropriation of Apollo traditions by ancient Jews and Christians counters ancient narratives about Apollo’s prophecy at Delphi declining and/or ceasing, thereby challenging any notion of a twilight for Delphic prophecy.
本文考察了从公元前2世纪到公元6世纪,古代犹太人和基督教与阿波罗传统在文本和实物上的接触。我追踪了一种共同的策略,即犹太人和基督徒都采用围绕阿波罗的意象或比喻,但要么(1)将它们重新分配给他们的神或耶稣,要么(2)将它们重新安置在专门崇拜他们的神的空间里。鉴于罗马帝国对阿波罗传统的使用,我借鉴了后殖民理论,认为我们可以将这种反复出现的变革策略称为“矛盾挪用”。古代犹太人和基督徒对阿波罗传统的持续矛盾挪用与古代关于阿波罗在特尔斐的预言衰落或停止的叙述相反,从而挑战了特尔斐预言的黄昏的任何概念。
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引用次数: 2
The Delay of the Parousia and the Changed Function of Eschatological Language 末世论语言功能的变化与末世论语言的延迟
IF 0.6 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2020.1724518
John-Christian Eurell
Abstract Although the New Testament texts show an awareness of the problems involved with the delay of the parousia, they still defend the legitimacy of the belief in its imminence. A similar pattern can also be found in other early Christian texts. The strategies for coping with and explaining the delay of the parousia change over time, and ultimately the understanding of “imminence” itself is developed. Although belief in the parousia appears to have been fundamental to early Christianity, the significance of this event is transformed from a hope of deliverance to a reason for moral exhortation.
虽然新约文本显示出与迟交有关的问题的意识,但它们仍然捍卫其迫近性信仰的合法性。类似的模式也可以在其他早期基督教文本中找到。随着时间的推移,应对和解释临近性延迟的策略发生了变化,最终对“临近性”本身的理解得到了发展。尽管对parousia的信仰似乎是早期基督教的基础,但这一事件的意义已经从拯救的希望转变为道德劝告的理由。
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引用次数: 2
Hesychasm and Politics in Late Byzantium 拜占庭晚期的混沌与政治
IF 0.6 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2020.1760724
Panos Bolanakis
Abstract This study examines the relationship between the Byzantine state and church, presents an overview of the Hesychastic method, and analyses the political ramifications of this method. Hesychasm was a philosophical and mystical movement that became popular during the tumultuous final centuries of Byzantium. The Hesychast movement might appear to be purely theological, but its flourishing necessarily involved politics. Adopting Hesychasm provided the church with a role that extended beyond its merely being a pillar within a God-protected state.
本研究考察了拜占庭国家与教会之间的关系,概述了Hesychastic方法,并分析了这种方法的政治后果。Hesychasm是一种哲学和神秘主义运动,在拜占庭动荡的最后几个世纪中流行起来。Hesychast运动可能看起来纯粹是神学的,但它的繁荣必然涉及政治。采用Hesychasm为教会提供了一个角色,超越了它仅仅是上帝保护的国家中的支柱。
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引用次数: 0
Angels in John Chrysostom’s Anthropology: Asceticism, Angelomorphism, and Human Bodily Composition in Flux 约翰·克里索斯托姆人类学中的天使:Aseticism、天使形态主义和人类身体在流动中的构成
IF 0.6 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2020.1854048
C. L. de Wet
Abstract The purpose of this article is to investigate the role of angels in John Chrysostom’s (c. 349–407 CE) anthropology. The article provides a short overview of Chrysostom’s thought regarding angels more generally. The focus here is especially on the origins, nature, and function of angels. Thereafter, the focus moves to Chrysostom’s “thinking with angels” in his anthropology. This section extrapolates the differences and similarities between humans and angels. The important question to which the analysis leads is that of angelomorphism, or becoming like the angels. Chrysostom often states that persons adopting ascetic and sacerdotal practices have the ability to become like the angels. In Chrysostom, angelology is especially an ascetic discourse. What does this statement mean for Chrysostom? What does angelomorphism entail in the anthropological sense? The study argues that priests, monks, and virgins are able to become like angels both in a functional and even in a limited essential sense.
摘要本文旨在探讨天使在金口约翰(公元349-407年)的人类学中所扮演的角色。这篇文章简要概述了金口对天使的看法。这里的重点是天使的起源、性质和功能。此后,重点转向金口在其人类学中的“与天使思考”。这一部分推断了人类和天使之间的异同。这一分析引出的一个重要问题是天使性,或者说变得像天使一样。金口常说,人采取苦行和礼仪的做法有能力成为像天使。在金口镇,天使学是一种禁欲主义的话语。这句话对金口有什么意义?天使形说在人类学意义上意味着什么?该研究认为,无论是在功能上,还是在有限的本质意义上,牧师、僧侣和处女都能变得像天使一样。
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引用次数: 0
New Testament and Early Christian Studies: Theses on Theory and Method 新约与早期基督教研究:理论与方法论文
IF 0.6 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2020.1848443
Gerhard van den Heever
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引用次数: 1
Church and State in the Dispute over the Vicariate of Thessaloniki during the Pontificate of Boniface I 教宗博尼法斯一世在位期间塞萨洛尼基代牧权之争中的教会与国家
IF 0.6 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2020.1731317
Geoffrey D. Dunn
Abstract Following the appointment of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth in 419, some Illyrian bishops, upset that this violated the Nicene canon against the translation of bishops and that Boniface I, bishop of Rome from 418 to 422, had supported Perigenes’s election, secured a law from the eastern emperor, Theodosius II, that judicial appeals were to be heard at Constantinople (Cod. theod. 16.2.45). The innovation that Theodosius condemned was undoubtedly the practice of Illyrian bishops appealing through the bishop of Thessaloniki to Rome, a system that had flourished under several of Boniface’s predecessors, as documented in the letters of the Collectio Thessalonicensis. Boniface’s response was to enlist the support of Honorius, the western emperor, to appeal to his imperial nephew to reverse this decision as itself being an innovation (Boniface I, Ep. 10). Theodosius agreed (Boniface I, Ep. 11). This article examines the letters concerned in the light of the history of the vicariate of Thessaloniki and Boniface’s own relationship with imperial authority, which is demonstrated in the ultimately definitive involvement of Ravenna in settling the electoral controversy that surrounded Boniface’s own election in Rome. It argues that the whole Perigenes affair was one of the first examples of what has come to be called papal primacy, in that it was an exercise of ecclesiastical authority over an area that no longer belonged to his supervision, that Honorius complied with Roman episcopal wishes, and that Roman success was dependent upon the personal relationship between imperial uncle and nephew.
摘要在419年佩里根尼被任命为科林斯主教后,一些伊利里亚主教感到不安,认为这违反了尼西亚反对主教翻译的教规,以及418年至422年担任罗马主教的博尼法斯一世支持佩里根尼斯的选举,狄奥多西谴责的创新无疑是伊利里亚主教通过塞萨洛尼基主教向罗马上诉的做法,这一制度在博尼法斯的几位前任时期蓬勃发展,正如塞萨洛尼卡收藏馆的信件所记录的那样。博尼法斯的回应是争取西方皇帝奥诺里乌斯的支持,呼吁他的侄子推翻这一决定,因为这本身就是一种创新(博尼法斯一世,Ep.10)。狄奥多西同意了(伯尼法斯一世,Ep.11)。本文根据塞萨洛尼基教区的历史以及博尼法斯自己与帝国权威的关系来研究相关信件,拉文纳最终参与解决了围绕博尼法斯斯自己在罗马选举的选举争议,这一点得到了证明。它认为,整个Perigenes事件是被称为教皇至上的最早例子之一,因为这是对一个不再属于他监督的地区行使教会权力,Honorius遵守了罗马主教的意愿,罗马的成功取决于帝国叔叔和侄子之间的个人关系。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Early Christian History
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