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Christian Persecution in Antiquity , by Wolfram KinzigChristian Persecution in Antiquity, by Wolfram Kinzig, Translated by Markus Bockmuehl, Baylor University Press, 2022., viii + 173 pp., ISBN: 978-1-4813-1388-9 《古代基督教迫害》,作者:沃尔夫勒姆·金齐格,马库斯·布克米尔译,贝勒大学出版社,2022年。, 8 + 173页,ISBN: 978-1-4813-1388-9
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-11-10 DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2023.2278505
Chrissy Hansen
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引用次数: 0
Witnessing with Parrēsia : Fearless Speech in the Acts of the Apostles 以Parrēsia作见证:使徒行传中无所畏惧的演讲
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2023.2248652
Adriani Milli Rodrigues
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引用次数: 0
Parrēsia beyond Humankind? Exploring the Representation of the Voice of Creation in the Epistle to the Romans Parrēsia超越人类?探索《致罗马人书信》中创造之声的表现
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2023.2254022
Peter-Ben Smit, Iris Veerbeek
AbstractIn this article, the notion of parrēsia, freedom of speech, is explored with regard to the voice of (non-human) nature in Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. Instances from chs. 1, 8, and 11 of this letter are discussed in interaction with both the broader discourse on parrēsia and the newer approach of “wild pedagogies” that focuses on allowing nature to speak for itself. The exegetical findings are sobering, as it becomes clear that Paul’s appeals to what can be conceptualised as the “voice of nature” in his letter are to be seen as his representation and rhetorical use of this voice primarily. This result can also serve as a reminder to be careful within the fields of eco-theology and eco-hermeneutics when it comes to appealing to the voice of nature without considering that it is often humans speaking for nature, rather than nature speaking for itself.Keywords: ecologyEpistle to the RomanshermeneuticsnatureparrēsiaPaulwild pedagogies
摘要本文从保罗致罗马书中(非人类)自然的声音出发,探讨parrēsia言论自由的概念。来自chs的实例。这封信的第1、8和11条与parrēsia上更广泛的论述和“野生教育学”的新方法相互作用进行了讨论,该方法侧重于让自然为自己说话。训诂学的发现是发人深省的,因为很明显,保罗在信中对“自然之声”的呼吁,可以被视为他对这种声音的主要表现和修辞使用。这个结果也可以作为一个提醒,在生态神学和生态解释学领域,当涉及到呼吁自然的声音时,要小心,而不考虑它经常是人类为自然说话,而不是自然为自己说话。关键词:生态学,对RomanshermeneuticsnatureparrēsiaPaulwild教学法
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引用次数: 0
Paul's Ambivalent Parrēsia 保罗的矛盾 Parrēsia
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2023.2246105
Jeremy Punt
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引用次数: 0
Judaean Christiani in the Middle Decades of the First Century 公元一世纪中期的犹太基督教
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2023.2267802
Robert Drews
AbstractThe Chrestiani (or Christiani) who, according to Tacitus, were executed by Nero for setting the fire of 64 CE were very likely apocalyptic and nationalist Judaeans rather than the New Covenant people greeted by Paul at Romans 16. For many observant Judaeans hoping for the liberation of Judaea from the Roman Empire, the title Christos (Messiah) was especially a reference to Jesus Nazoraios. Latin-speakers evidently coined the label Christiani for the boldest and loudest of these Judaean believers in the ascended Christos. Fervour for the expected return of Christos from heaven was intense among Judaeans in the 60s, contributing to the revolt of 66–70.Keywords: origin of the Christiani nameapocalyptic prophecyburning of RomeJosephusJudaean revolt of 66–70Son of ManSuetoniusTacitus
根据塔西佗的说法,因公元64年纵火而被尼禄处死的克里斯蒂亚尼人(christtiani)很可能是启示录和民族主义的犹太人,而不是保罗在罗马书16章迎接的新约人。对于许多希望犹太从罗马帝国解放出来的虔诚的犹太人来说,克里斯托斯(弥赛亚)这个头衔特别指的是耶稣纳佐拉奥斯。说拉丁语的人显然创造了Christiani这个标签,用来称呼那些相信升天基督的犹太信徒中最大胆、最大声的人。20世纪60年代,犹太人对克里斯托从天堂回来的期待非常强烈,导致了66-70年的起义。关键词:基督教名字的起源,启示录预言,焚烧罗马,约瑟夫,66 - 70年犹太起义,人的儿子,苏埃顿,斯塔西佗
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引用次数: 0
The Number of the Myth: A Defence of the Ahistoricity of the Neronian Persecution 神话的数量:为尼禄迫害的非历史性辩护
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-07-18 DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2023.2208316
C. Hansen
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引用次数: 0
John Chrysostom on the Trilateral Reality of Baptism and the Efficacy of Tears 约翰·金口斯托谈洗礼的三边现实和眼泪的功效
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2023.2238141
Ehab Elias
Abstract Paul in Rom 6:2 asks, “How can we who died to sin go on living in it?” Commenting on this, John Chrysostom (ca. 349–407 CE) takes the opportunity to speak about participation in the death and resurrection of Christ. Christ died in the body, while the believer dies to sin. This participation takes place in baptism. Both Christ's death and a person's baptism are two complementing realities for any believer. This article argues that baptism for Chrysostom is not simply a moment of faith but a dynamic mystery in the believer's life. For post-baptismal sins, tears are the new baptism.
摘要保罗在罗马书6:2中问道:“我们为罪而死的人怎么能继续生活在罪中呢?”对此,约翰·克里索斯托姆(公元前349–407年)借此机会谈到了参与基督的死亡和复活。基督死在身体里,而信徒死在罪里。这种参与发生在洗礼中。对于任何一个信徒来说,基督的死和一个人的洗礼都是两个相辅相成的现实。本文认为,对Chrysostom的洗礼不仅仅是一个信仰的时刻,而是信徒生活中一个充满活力的谜团。对于洗礼后的罪,眼泪是新的洗礼。
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引用次数: 0
Jesus: A Life in Class Conflict 耶稣:阶级冲突中的生活
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2023.2239534
Roman A. Montero
Among the countless attempts at reconstructing the historical Jesus, there are a few works which, from their specific vantage point and using their specific methodology, allow readers to think of the historical Jesus in fresh and compelling ways; Jesus: A Life in Class Conflict by James Crossley and Robert Myles is one of those works. Their historical materialist approach to the historical Jesus has proven to fit very well with the material—a Galilean peasant artisan with millenarian and apocalyptic views, proclaiming a kingdom of God, with teachings and parables full of political and class language—yet their historical materialist approach is a minority one, making their approach fresh and welcome. Overall, the work is modest and sober, focusing on what seems plausible and possible and situating the earliest traditions within the political, economic, and class dynamics of first century Palestine. Although the volume is written in a way that is readable to non-specialists, it still maintains a high level of scholarly care.
在无数次重建历史耶稣的尝试中,有几部作品以其独特的视角,运用其独特的方法,让读者以新鲜而引人注目的方式思考历史耶稣;詹姆斯·克罗斯利和罗伯特·迈尔斯的《耶稣:阶级冲突中的生活》就是其中之一。事实证明,他们对历史耶稣的历史唯物主义方法与材料非常吻合——一位具有千年和世界末日观点的加利利农民工匠,用充满政治和阶级语言的教义和寓言宣告上帝的王国——然而,他们的历史唯物论方法是少数的,使他们的方法新鲜而受欢迎。总的来说,这部作品谦逊而冷静,专注于看似合理和可能的事情,并将最早的传统置于一世纪巴勒斯坦的政治、经济和阶级动态中。尽管这本书是以非专家可读的方式写成的,但它仍然保持着高度的学术关怀。
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引用次数: 0
St. Arsenius as Imperial Paideutēs: A Reappraisal 圣阿森纽斯作为帝国Paideutēs:重新评价
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2023.2169181
S. Dmitriev
Abstract This article responds to the diversity of opinions surrounding the reasons for Arsenius's appointment as the teacher of the future emperors Arcadius and Honorius, his life and status in the palace, and the length of his duties. By re-examining corresponding sources and expanding evidence to include the texts never before used for this purpose, this article argues that Arsenius was expected to provide the two princes with traditional paideia combined with Christian faith and offers new observations on the duration of his teaching appointment and the chronology of his life in general.
本文对阿塞尼乌斯被任命为未来皇帝阿卡迪乌斯和奥诺留斯的老师的原因、他的生活和在宫廷中的地位以及他的职责长短等问题的不同观点进行了回应。通过重新检查相应的来源和扩展证据,包括以前从未用于此目的的文本,本文认为,阿森纽斯被期望为两位王子提供传统的与基督教信仰相结合的paideia,并对他的教学任命的持续时间和他的生活年表提供了新的观察。
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引用次数: 0
The Problem of Annals 15.44: On the Plinian Origin of Tacitus's Information on Christians 编年史15.44的问题:论塔西佗关于基督徒信息的普林尼起源
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2023.2173628
C. Hansen
Abstract This article contends with the multitude of suggestions that have been raised recently as to the origin of Tacitus's information on Christians and Jesus, and concludes that, contrary to much popular opinion, the theory that Tacitus's information is a reliable independent witness is likely faulty. It first discusses previous theories that have been proposed, including the hypothesis that Tacitus was reliant on Josephus, official Roman documents, etc., and finds all suppositions for Tacitus being independent of Christian tradition to be specious and reliant on faulty arguments and a lack of convincing evidence. The article presents an alternative solution which is that Tacitus was reliant on the work of his friend Pliny the Younger, both his Letter 10.96 sent to Trajan and likely also discourses he had with him, noting that Tacitus relied on Pliny's works elsewhere and the close relationship the two had, even exchanging each other's works for review and criticism. A number of verbal parallels between Tacitus's work and Pliny's letter also points in this direction. As a result, Tacitus's information on Christians and Jesus likely stemmed from Pliny, who in turn gained it from interrogations of and hearsay from Christians. This has ramifications such as that Tacitus is then not a useful source for establishing the historicity of Jesus or the historicity of the Neronian persecution, as it looks as though he melded Christian tradition with the Great Fire of Rome, which Christians make no reference to for centuries.
本文对最近提出的关于塔西佗关于基督徒和耶稣的资料的来源的众多建议进行了争论,并得出结论,与大多数流行的观点相反,塔西佗的资料是一个可靠的独立证人的理论可能是错误的。它首先讨论了之前提出的理论,包括塔西佗依赖于约瑟夫斯、罗马官方文献等假设,并发现所有关于塔西佗独立于基督教传统的假设都是似是而非的,并且依赖于错误的论点和缺乏令人信服的证据。这篇文章提出了另一种解决方案,即塔西佗依赖于他的朋友小普林尼的作品,包括他写给图拉真的10.96信,以及他与小普林尼的谈话,注意到塔西佗依赖于普林尼在其他地方的作品,以及两人的密切关系,甚至交换对方的作品进行审查和批评。塔西佗的著作和普林尼的信之间的一些文字上的相似之处也指向了这个方向。因此,塔西佗关于基督徒和耶稣的信息很可能来自普林尼,而普林尼又从对基督徒的审讯和道听途说中获得了这些信息。这就产生了一些后果,比如塔西佗在确立耶稣的历史性或尼禄迫害的历史性方面并不是一个有用的资料来源,因为他似乎把基督教传统与罗马大火融合在一起,而基督徒几个世纪以来都没有提到过罗马大火。
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引用次数: 1
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Journal of Early Christian History
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