Pub Date : 2019-08-08DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0003
Jay Bergman
It was Marx and, to a lesser extent, Engels, who provided the Bolsheviks with a teleology of French revolutions, in 1789, 1830, 1848, and 1871, in relation to which they could situate their own anticipated revolution. Marx and Engels were not consistent in their evaluation of these revolutions, stressing while they were in progress the ability of individuals to alter the course of history and perhaps even to accelerate it. Indeed, they praised the Jacobins in the French Revolution for their success, albeit limited, in advancing the revolution beyond what the haute bourgeoisie believed to be consistent with its interests. But once Marx and Engels, after the failure of revolutions in France and the rest of Europe in 1848, realized that any repetition was unlikely for the foreseeable future, their admiration of the Jacobins diminished. Chapter 3 concludes with analysis of their infatuation, in the last years of their lives, with the terrorists of Narodnaia Volia, whose audacity in killing government officials and ultimately the tsar himself caused their ‘Jacobin’ sensibilities to re-emerge.
{"title":"The Marxist Inheritance of the French Revolution","authors":"Jay Bergman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0003","url":null,"abstract":"It was Marx and, to a lesser extent, Engels, who provided the Bolsheviks with a teleology of French revolutions, in 1789, 1830, 1848, and 1871, in relation to which they could situate their own anticipated revolution. Marx and Engels were not consistent in their evaluation of these revolutions, stressing while they were in progress the ability of individuals to alter the course of history and perhaps even to accelerate it. Indeed, they praised the Jacobins in the French Revolution for their success, albeit limited, in advancing the revolution beyond what the haute bourgeoisie believed to be consistent with its interests. But once Marx and Engels, after the failure of revolutions in France and the rest of Europe in 1848, realized that any repetition was unlikely for the foreseeable future, their admiration of the Jacobins diminished. Chapter 3 concludes with analysis of their infatuation, in the last years of their lives, with the terrorists of Narodnaia Volia, whose audacity in killing government officials and ultimately the tsar himself caused their ‘Jacobin’ sensibilities to re-emerge.","PeriodicalId":412145,"journal":{"name":"The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture","volume":"255 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117092414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-08DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0005
Jay Bergman
Following a survey of how educated Russians analogized the 1905 Revolution to aspects of the French Revolution, Chapter 5 describes the debates within the Bolshevik faction of the RSDLP, and between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks about the temporal relationship between a bourgeois revolution in Russia and a proletarian one. Also, because the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, in European exile, had time on their hands, they engaged in interminable debates on how the Jacobins and their supporters among the sans-culottes should be considered in terms of their class. The former were thought to originate in one or another subclass of the bourgeoisie; the latter were variously considered proletarian, proto-proletarian, or ‘plebeian’. Complicating matters—and making the emergence of a consensus more difficult—was that the classes that made the French Revolution were sometimes defined on the basis of what they did, and of whom they supported, rather than in terms of their social origin per se.
{"title":"Bolsheviks and Mensheviks on the Jacobins and the Girondins","authors":"Jay Bergman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Following a survey of how educated Russians analogized the 1905 Revolution to aspects of the French Revolution, Chapter 5 describes the debates within the Bolshevik faction of the RSDLP, and between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks about the temporal relationship between a bourgeois revolution in Russia and a proletarian one. Also, because the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, in European exile, had time on their hands, they engaged in interminable debates on how the Jacobins and their supporters among the sans-culottes should be considered in terms of their class. The former were thought to originate in one or another subclass of the bourgeoisie; the latter were variously considered proletarian, proto-proletarian, or ‘plebeian’. Complicating matters—and making the emergence of a consensus more difficult—was that the classes that made the French Revolution were sometimes defined on the basis of what they did, and of whom they supported, rather than in terms of their social origin per se.","PeriodicalId":412145,"journal":{"name":"The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture","volume":"2003 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127318216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-08DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0007
Jay Bergman
Chapter 7 begins by examining how the specific issue of the Jacobin Terror served as a relevant analogue, to be welcomed or rejected, as Lenin and Trotsky pondered the efficacy—and even, on occasion, the morality—of consolidating power after the October coup d’état through the application of terror. The narrative then widens to describe how the French Revolution informed the music, theatre, literature, and visual arts that were mobilized in the creation of a mythology the Bolsheviks needed both to justify the October Revolution retroactively, and prospectively to sanction the construction of socialism in a country that by Marxist criteria was not yet ready for it. Special attention is paid to the grandiose fêtes the Bolsheviks staged in Petrograd and Moscow, in deliberate imitation of those the Jacobins staged in the French Revolution, to generate the mass support they lacked.
{"title":"Mythologizing the New Soviet Regime","authors":"Jay Bergman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Chapter 7 begins by examining how the specific issue of the Jacobin Terror served as a relevant analogue, to be welcomed or rejected, as Lenin and Trotsky pondered the efficacy—and even, on occasion, the morality—of consolidating power after the October coup d’état through the application of terror. The narrative then widens to describe how the French Revolution informed the music, theatre, literature, and visual arts that were mobilized in the creation of a mythology the Bolsheviks needed both to justify the October Revolution retroactively, and prospectively to sanction the construction of socialism in a country that by Marxist criteria was not yet ready for it. Special attention is paid to the grandiose fêtes the Bolsheviks staged in Petrograd and Moscow, in deliberate imitation of those the Jacobins staged in the French Revolution, to generate the mass support they lacked.","PeriodicalId":412145,"journal":{"name":"The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116062496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-08DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0010
Jay Bergman
Following Stalin’s death in 1953, the ambivalence with which Lenin viewed the Jacobins is once again the reigning orthodoxy. As a result, the debate among Soviet historians over the relationship between the Jacobin dictatorship and the Thermidorian reaction to it, which began in the 1920s but was interrupted during the Stalin era, resumed. Most considered the downfall of the Jacobins the catalyst for economic changes that essentially reversed the Jacobins’ policies; several others, however, saw a ‘growing over’ in terms of policy from the Jacobin phase of the French Revolution to the Thermidorian one. But the debate did not shake the consensus that the revolution ended with the demise of the Jacobins in 1794, rather than with Napoleon’s coup five years later.
{"title":"Returning to the Leninist Line under Khrushchev and Brezhnev","authors":"Jay Bergman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Following Stalin’s death in 1953, the ambivalence with which Lenin viewed the Jacobins is once again the reigning orthodoxy. As a result, the debate among Soviet historians over the relationship between the Jacobin dictatorship and the Thermidorian reaction to it, which began in the 1920s but was interrupted during the Stalin era, resumed. Most considered the downfall of the Jacobins the catalyst for economic changes that essentially reversed the Jacobins’ policies; several others, however, saw a ‘growing over’ in terms of policy from the Jacobin phase of the French Revolution to the Thermidorian one. But the debate did not shake the consensus that the revolution ended with the demise of the Jacobins in 1794, rather than with Napoleon’s coup five years later.","PeriodicalId":412145,"journal":{"name":"The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125229501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-08DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0011
Jay Bergman
With the advent of the Gorbachev era, there emerged a genuine diversity of opinion on the French Revolution, with ‘hardliners’ reiterating the Leninist orthodoxy, and ‘liberals’, most notably Alexander Yakovlev, the actual architect of Gorbachev’s policy of perestroika (‘reconstruction’), arguing publicly—and almost certainly with Gorbachev’s approval and agreement—that the revolution inaugurated a sequence of revolutions in modern history in which the October Revolution, while going well beyond the French Revolution, was itself superseded by the peaceful revolution that was perestroika. A corrective of the worst excrescences of Stalinism, Gorbachev’s policy of ‘reconstruction’ would redirect the course of history, culminating in a humane and liberal (though not necessarily democratic) socialism that was prefigured in the French Revolution and the revolutions in France that followed it.
{"title":"Transgressing the Leninist Line in the Gorbachev Era","authors":"Jay Bergman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0011","url":null,"abstract":"With the advent of the Gorbachev era, there emerged a genuine diversity of opinion on the French Revolution, with ‘hardliners’ reiterating the Leninist orthodoxy, and ‘liberals’, most notably Alexander Yakovlev, the actual architect of Gorbachev’s policy of perestroika (‘reconstruction’), arguing publicly—and almost certainly with Gorbachev’s approval and agreement—that the revolution inaugurated a sequence of revolutions in modern history in which the October Revolution, while going well beyond the French Revolution, was itself superseded by the peaceful revolution that was perestroika. A corrective of the worst excrescences of Stalinism, Gorbachev’s policy of ‘reconstruction’ would redirect the course of history, culminating in a humane and liberal (though not necessarily democratic) socialism that was prefigured in the French Revolution and the revolutions in France that followed it.","PeriodicalId":412145,"journal":{"name":"The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128462086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-08DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0015
Jay Bergman
For all its early promise, and despite the heroism of its supporters, the Paris Commune, in the end, was a failure. But the Bolsheviks valued it precisely for that reason; the mistakes it made could be avoided in their own efforts to carry out a successful revolution. Moreover, the martyrdom the Communards achieved by fighting their principal enemy, the Versaillais, so valiantly caused the Bolsheviks to venerate them for their personal qualities, even as they recognized their political and ideological naiveté. And while cognizant that with the suppression of the Paris Commune in 1871 the French Revolutionary Tradition ended, the Bolsheviks considered the Commune a precursor of the proletarian revolutions they expected in the twentieth century not only in Russia but in the more economically advanced countries of Western and Central Europe.
{"title":"Revolution as Martyrdom","authors":"Jay Bergman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0015","url":null,"abstract":"For all its early promise, and despite the heroism of its supporters, the Paris Commune, in the end, was a failure. But the Bolsheviks valued it precisely for that reason; the mistakes it made could be avoided in their own efforts to carry out a successful revolution. Moreover, the martyrdom the Communards achieved by fighting their principal enemy, the Versaillais, so valiantly caused the Bolsheviks to venerate them for their personal qualities, even as they recognized their political and ideological naiveté. And while cognizant that with the suppression of the Paris Commune in 1871 the French Revolutionary Tradition ended, the Bolsheviks considered the Commune a precursor of the proletarian revolutions they expected in the twentieth century not only in Russia but in the more economically advanced countries of Western and Central Europe.","PeriodicalId":412145,"journal":{"name":"The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture","volume":"72 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128138186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-08DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0002
Jay Bergman
The focus of Chapter 2 is exclusively on the Russian revolutionary movement, with special attention devoted to what revolutionaries in Russia understood to be the essence of ‘Jacobinism’. Mistaking the Jacobins in the French Revolution for advocates of the conspiratorial methods they deemed necessary in Russia, many found solace and confirmation of their own revolutionary virtue in the personal qualities they believed the Jacobins possessed. But on what these qualities actually were there was no consensus. In fact, some revolutionaries, such as Kropotkin, abhorred the Jacobins and considered their penchant for centralizing political authority morally abhorrent and tactically foolish; others, such as the terrorists of Narodnaia Volia (who assassinated Tsar Alexander II in 1881), disagreed. Because the Bolsheviks considered themselves the rightful heirs of the intelligentsia (from which the revolutionary movement emerged), they were acutely conscious of the revolutionaries who preceded them chronologically, and found it necessary to adjudicate their divergent opinions on the French Revolution.
{"title":"The French Revolution in the Russian Revolutionary Movement","authors":"Jay Bergman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0002","url":null,"abstract":"The focus of Chapter 2 is exclusively on the Russian revolutionary movement, with special attention devoted to what revolutionaries in Russia understood to be the essence of ‘Jacobinism’. Mistaking the Jacobins in the French Revolution for advocates of the conspiratorial methods they deemed necessary in Russia, many found solace and confirmation of their own revolutionary virtue in the personal qualities they believed the Jacobins possessed. But on what these qualities actually were there was no consensus. In fact, some revolutionaries, such as Kropotkin, abhorred the Jacobins and considered their penchant for centralizing political authority morally abhorrent and tactically foolish; others, such as the terrorists of Narodnaia Volia (who assassinated Tsar Alexander II in 1881), disagreed. Because the Bolsheviks considered themselves the rightful heirs of the intelligentsia (from which the revolutionary movement emerged), they were acutely conscious of the revolutionaries who preceded them chronologically, and found it necessary to adjudicate their divergent opinions on the French Revolution.","PeriodicalId":412145,"journal":{"name":"The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture","volume":"119 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133970968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-08DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0014
Jay Bergman
Chapter 14 traces the evolution of the concept of Bonapartism. Marx and Engels thought it a remediable ‘wrong turn’ in history’s evolution that happily occurred only under capitalism; Louis Napoleon and Bismarck were its archetypical expressions. Initially, the Bolsheviks did not take issue with this characterization. But by the 1920s the Bolsheviks recognized that Bonapartism could also occur under socialism, and that the dictatorship it entailed would be a military one; the dictator would either be an army general or a civilian totally dependent on the military for his power. This caused the Bolsheviks to consider Napoleon Bonaparte, rather than Louis Napoleon, the prototypical Bonapartist in power. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the role the accusation of Bonapartism played in Khrushchev’s dismissal of Marshal Zhukov as Minister of Defence in 1957.
{"title":"The Phantom of the Russian Bonaparte","authors":"Jay Bergman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Chapter 14 traces the evolution of the concept of Bonapartism. Marx and Engels thought it a remediable ‘wrong turn’ in history’s evolution that happily occurred only under capitalism; Louis Napoleon and Bismarck were its archetypical expressions. Initially, the Bolsheviks did not take issue with this characterization. But by the 1920s the Bolsheviks recognized that Bonapartism could also occur under socialism, and that the dictatorship it entailed would be a military one; the dictator would either be an army general or a civilian totally dependent on the military for his power. This caused the Bolsheviks to consider Napoleon Bonaparte, rather than Louis Napoleon, the prototypical Bonapartist in power. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the role the accusation of Bonapartism played in Khrushchev’s dismissal of Marshal Zhukov as Minister of Defence in 1957.","PeriodicalId":412145,"journal":{"name":"The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130748137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-08DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0001
Jay Bergman
Practically from its inception, the French Revolution prompted educated Russians, regardless of their politics, to form an opinion of it. As the revolution progressed, instead of changing minds, it froze them, turning assumptions into beliefs and beliefs into dogma. Chapter 1 shows this to be true especially for Russians on opposite ends of the political spectrum. This was not true, however, of liberals such as Pushkin whose politics, by contrast, fluctuated greatly. The chapter concludes with analysis of ‘gentry-revolutionaries’ such as Mikhail Bakunin and Alexander Herzen, who applied to the actors in the French Revolution the same requirement of ‘moral wholeness’ that was an essential aspect of the Russian revolutionary movement as a whole.
{"title":"The Initial Reception of the French Revolution","authors":"Jay Bergman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Practically from its inception, the French Revolution prompted educated Russians, regardless of their politics, to form an opinion of it. As the revolution progressed, instead of changing minds, it froze them, turning assumptions into beliefs and beliefs into dogma. Chapter 1 shows this to be true especially for Russians on opposite ends of the political spectrum. This was not true, however, of liberals such as Pushkin whose politics, by contrast, fluctuated greatly. The chapter concludes with analysis of ‘gentry-revolutionaries’ such as Mikhail Bakunin and Alexander Herzen, who applied to the actors in the French Revolution the same requirement of ‘moral wholeness’ that was an essential aspect of the Russian revolutionary movement as a whole.","PeriodicalId":412145,"journal":{"name":"The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122204866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-08DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0013
Jay Bergman
Chapter 13 describes the lessons Marx and Engels, as well as contemporaneous Russian revolutionaries such as Herzen, Kropotkin, and Bakunin, drew from the failure of the Revolution of 1848 in France. Among the Bolsheviks, some ascribed it exclusively to the treachery of the bourgeoisie, which aligned with the proletariat when the revolution began in February, only to betray it in the June Days, using military force to end whatever political power the proletariat still possessed. Ignored after 1917 in the Bolshevik fêtes and other commemorations intended to mythologize the October Revolution, the 1848 Revolution was especially disheartening because, unlike earlier French revolutions, in which the proletariat was either non-existent or too small to have any appreciable effect, in 1848 it actually held power, however briefly. Nevertheless, the Bolsheviks considered the Revolution of 1848 in France worthy of inclusion in the country’s revolutionary tradition.
{"title":"The Revolution That Failed","authors":"Jay Bergman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842705.003.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Chapter 13 describes the lessons Marx and Engels, as well as contemporaneous Russian revolutionaries such as Herzen, Kropotkin, and Bakunin, drew from the failure of the Revolution of 1848 in France. Among the Bolsheviks, some ascribed it exclusively to the treachery of the bourgeoisie, which aligned with the proletariat when the revolution began in February, only to betray it in the June Days, using military force to end whatever political power the proletariat still possessed. Ignored after 1917 in the Bolshevik fêtes and other commemorations intended to mythologize the October Revolution, the 1848 Revolution was especially disheartening because, unlike earlier French revolutions, in which the proletariat was either non-existent or too small to have any appreciable effect, in 1848 it actually held power, however briefly. Nevertheless, the Bolsheviks considered the Revolution of 1848 in France worthy of inclusion in the country’s revolutionary tradition.","PeriodicalId":412145,"journal":{"name":"The French Revolutionary Tradition in Russian and Soviet Politics, Political Thought, and Culture","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127847436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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