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Anthea Butler. White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2021. Pp. 176. $24.00 (cloth). 安西娅·巴特勒。白人福音派种族主义:美国的道德政治。教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2021年。第176页$24.00(布)。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717951
J. M. Patterson
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引用次数: 0
Steven B. Smith. Reclaiming Patriotism in an Age of Extremes. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2021. Pp. 256. $28.00 (cloth). 史蒂文·b·史密斯。在一个极端的时代重拾爱国主义。康涅狄格州纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,2021年。256页。28.00美元(布)。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717950
Randal R. Hendrickson
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引用次数: 0
David Foster Wallace and the Audience of Democratic Authority 大卫·福斯特·华莱士和民主权威的听众
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717927
Joel M. Winkelman
This article analyzes the thought of American political writer David Foster Wallace. It argues that Wallace’s primary concern as a political writer was the disappearance of authority in contemporary American life, a condition that should be neither celebrated with postmodern irony nor lamented with reactionary conservatism. Instead, Wallace sought a middle way through the seemingly intractable political and cultural conflict of the late twentieth century. Analyzing four of Wallace’s essays—“E Unibus Pluram,” “Up Simba!,” “Authority and American Usage,” and “Host”—that range in topic from political talk radio to the history of American lexicography, this article focuses on three themes: the consequences of visual spectacle for linguistic communication, the place of doubt and certainty in civic life, and the meaning of democratic authority. The article concludes with an assessment of Wallace’s relevance for the twenty-first century.
本文分析了美国政治作家大卫·福斯特·华莱士的思想。它认为,作为一名政治作家,华莱士最关心的是当代美国生活中权威的消失,这种情况既不应该用后现代讽刺来庆祝,也不应该用反动保守主义来哀叹。相反,华莱士在20世纪末看似棘手的政治和文化冲突中寻求了一条中间道路。本文分析了华莱士的四篇文章——《统一的复数》、《辛巴,以及民主权威的意义。文章最后评估了华莱士对二十一世纪的意义。
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引用次数: 0
Brian P. Simpson. A Declaration and Constitution for a Free Society: Making the Declaration of Independence and U.S. Constitution Fully Consistent with the Protection of Individual Rights. Lanham, MD: Lexington, 2021. Pp. xiii + 307. $120.00 (cloth). 布莱恩·辛普森。自由社会的宣言和宪法:使《独立宣言》和美国宪法与保护个人权利完全一致。兰哈姆,马里兰州:列克星敦,2021年。页13 + 307。120.00美元(布)。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/716681
S. Gerber
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引用次数: 0
Creating a Demagogue: The Political Origins of Daniel Shays’s Erroneous Legacy in American Political History 制造煽动者:美国政治史上丹尼尔·谢斯错误遗产的政治渊源
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/716687
Charles U. Zug
What are the political consequences of negative political theory concepts such as demagoguery? What happens when they are deployed in a way that brands an innocent victim with a reputation he or she does not deserve? This article contends that Daniel Shays was just such a victim. Despite playing only a peripheral role in the erroneously named “Shays’s Rebellion” of 1786–87, Shays himself was singled out by elites looking for ways to deflect blame away from themselves and their oligarchic Massachusetts regime. Subsequently labeling the movement “Shays’s Rebellion,” these elites cemented the narrative that Shays had led protest movements in western Massachusetts. Shays thus entered American political vernacular as the paradigmatic demagogue—and “Shays’s Rebellion” became the example of demagogue-led state failure—through the successful weaponization of a political idea. More broadly, the Shays case functions as a window into the relationship between ideas and political development in American politics.
消极的政治理论概念如蛊惑人心的政治后果是什么?如果这些武器的使用方式让无辜的受害者背负了他或她本不该背负的恶名,会发生什么?这篇文章认为丹尼尔·谢斯就是这样一个受害者。尽管在1786年至1787年被错误地命名为“谢斯叛乱”(Shays’s Rebellion)的事件中,谢斯只是一个次要角色,但他本人却被精英们挑出来,他们正在寻找方法来转移对自己和马萨诸塞州寡头政权的指责。随后,这些精英将这场运动称为“谢伊斯的叛乱”,巩固了谢伊斯在马萨诸塞州西部领导抗议运动的说法。因此,谢伊斯作为典型的煽动者进入了美国的政治用语,而“谢伊斯的叛乱”成为煽动者领导的国家失败的例子——通过成功地将一种政治理念武器化。更广泛地说,谢斯案是了解美国政治中思想与政治发展之间关系的一扇窗口。
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引用次数: 1
“An Affair of History, Law, and Institutions”: William Graham Sumner’s Historical Method and the Responsibility of the Individual “历史、法律和制度的事务”:威廉·格雷厄姆·萨姆纳的历史方法和个人的责任
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/716686
Simon Gilhooley
William Graham Sumner is popularly thought of as the Progressive Era’s strongest champion of the unencumbered individual, following Richard Hofstadter’s identification of Sumner as “one of America’s preeminent and influential social Darwinists.” Sumner scholars have increasingly pushed back against this characterization, pointing to the roles of cooperation and the “law of sympathy” within Sumner’s writings. However, the revision of Sumner has remained focused on the texts that Hofstadter identified as Sumner’s “political” writings. This article argues that such a focus would have confused Sumner, who saw the study of politics as intimately tied to the study of history. Reconstructing Sumner’s political thought by contextualizing his “political” writings in his understanding of historical development and his extended historical accounts, the article argues that Sumner understood civil liberty not as an abstract concept but as an empirical fact that emerged from the interplay of historical forces.
继理查德·霍夫施塔特(Richard Hofstadter)将萨姆纳认定为“美国杰出且有影响力的社会达尔文主义者之一”之后,威廉·格雷厄姆·萨姆纳(William Graham Sumner)被普遍认为是进步时代最有力的无障碍个人拥护者,指出了合作的作用和萨姆纳作品中的“同情法则”。然而,对萨姆纳的修订仍然集中在霍夫施塔特认定为萨姆纳“政治”著作的文本上。这篇文章认为,这样的关注会让萨姆纳感到困惑,他认为政治研究与历史研究密切相关。本文通过将萨姆纳的“政治”著作置于其对历史发展的理解和扩展的历史叙述的语境中,重建了萨姆纳的政治思想,认为萨姆纳将公民自由理解为一个经验事实,而不是一个抽象的概念。
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引用次数: 0
James Madison’s Political Science of Religious Liberty 詹姆斯·麦迪逊的宗教自由政治学
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/716633
V. P. Muñoz
In Fulton v. City of Philadelphia (2021), Justices Alito, Thomas, and Gorsuch called for the reversal of Employment Division v. Smith (1990), the Supreme Court’s leading Free Exercise Clause precedent. For years, Smith has been targeted by originalists who contend that, among other things, Smith is incompatible with a Madisonian understanding of religious freedom. This article challenges that conclusion. It attempts to do so not by employing the typical tools of originalist legal scholarship, but rather by setting forth Madison’s political science of religious liberty. The article argues the logic of Federalist 10 is incompatible with exemptions from generally applicable laws and, therefore, that a Madisonian construction of the Free Exercise Clause would not support a constitutional right to religious exemptions. Insofar as Federalist 10 articulates the Constitution’s underlying structural design, Free Exercise Clause exemptions undermine one of the principal mechanisms that Madison believed would protect liberty, including religious liberty.
在富尔顿诉费城市案(2021年)中,Alito、Thomas和Gorsuch法官呼吁推翻最高法院领先的自由行使条款先例“就业司诉史密斯案”(1990年)。多年来,史密斯一直是原创主义者的目标,他们认为,除其他外,史密斯与麦迪逊对宗教自由的理解不相容。这篇文章对这一结论提出了质疑。它试图做到这一点,不是通过使用原始主义法律学术的典型工具,而是通过阐述麦迪逊的宗教自由政治学。文章认为,《联邦党人10》的逻辑与普遍适用法律的豁免不兼容,因此,麦迪逊对自由行使条款的解释不会支持宪法赋予的宗教豁免权利。就《联邦党人10》阐述宪法的基本结构设计而言,自由行使条款豁免破坏了麦迪逊认为保护自由的主要机制之一,包括宗教自由。
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引用次数: 0
Nancy Isenberg and Andrew Burstein. The Problem of Democracy: The Presidents Adams Confront the Cult of Personality. New York: Viking, 2019. Pp. 543. $35.00 (cloth). 南希·伊森伯格和安德鲁·布尔斯坦。民主问题:亚当斯总统直面人格崇拜。纽约:维京,2019。第543页$35.00(布)。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/716685
Jeremy Bailey
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引用次数: 0
“Two Foundings”: An Unpublished Lecture by John H. Schaar “两个基础”:约翰·h·沙尔未发表的演讲
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/716680
Joshua I. Miller
This is a reconstruction of John H. Schaar’s first introductory lecture for his course on American political thought taught often at University of California, Berkeley, and University of California, Santa Cruz. Schaar argues that America had two foundings: the communitarian experiment of the New England Puritans and that of the American Revolution and Constitution of 1789, which were rooted in liberal political theory. While the first founding has been forgotten, even reviled, the second founding led to corruption, violence, individualism, and privatism. Schaar calls for the restoration of participatory community while recognizing the formidable obstacles to accomplishing that.
这是John H. Schaar在加州大学伯克利分校和加州大学圣克鲁斯分校开设的美国政治思想课程的第一次介绍讲座的重建。沙尔认为,美国有两个基础:新英格兰清教徒的社群主义实验,以及根植于自由政治理论的美国独立战争和1789年宪法。虽然第一次建国已经被遗忘,甚至遭到谩骂,但第二次建国导致了腐败、暴力、个人主义和私人主义。沙尔呼吁恢复参与性社区,同时认识到实现这一目标的巨大障碍。
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引用次数: 1
Robert Elder. Calhoun: American Heretic. New York: Basic, 2021. Pp. 640. $35.00 (cloth). 罗伯特·埃尔德。卡尔霍恩:美国异端。纽约:基础,2021年。第640页$35.00(布)。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/716690
J. H. Read
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引用次数: 0
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American Political Thought
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