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Robert Penn Warren and His Persistent Schism between Fact and Idea 罗伯特·潘·沃伦及其持续的事实与观念分裂
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/719263
Douglas S. Van
In this article I discuss the “terrible division of our age” in Robert Penn Warren’s novel All the King’s Men. I argue that a division between politics and ethics persists through the novel and through Warren’s larger body of work. This schism is meant to be fundamental to modernity, and Warren does not intend a resolution to it. I use his first book, John Brown: The Making of a Martyr, as a lens of analysis to show how his portrayal of John Brown anticipates characteristics of central characters that personify the terrible divide in his seminal publication. In doing so, I demonstrate that Warren forces our attention to an underlying logic of modernity.
在这篇文章中,我将讨论罗伯特·佩恩·沃伦的小说《所有国王的男人》中“我们这个时代的可怕分裂”。我认为,政治和道德之间的分歧贯穿于小说和沃伦的大部分作品中。这种分裂是现代性的根本,沃伦并不打算解决这个问题。我用他的第一本书《约翰·布朗:一个殉道者的形成》作为分析的镜头,来展示他对约翰·布朗的刻画是如何预见到在他的开创性出版物中体现可怕分歧的中心人物的特征的。在这样做的过程中,我证明了沃伦迫使我们注意到现代性的潜在逻辑。
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引用次数: 0
Republican Manners, Monarchic Vigor: The Federalist Defense of Pardon Power 共和礼仪,君主活力:联邦党人对赦免权的辩护
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/719260
K. Burns
The US Constitution grants the president a virtually unlimited pardon power. The Ratification Debates demonstrate that disputes between Federalists and Anti-Federalists over the pardon power were based on their disagreement about separation of powers theory. Because Anti-Federalists feared that pardon power could be abused and promote monarchy, they insisted on textual restrictions (“parchment barriers”). The Federalists rejected these demands, moving beyond the Anti-Federalists’ “pure” theory of separation of powers and advocating a complex system of institutional checks and balances. This approach allowed the Federalists to show how the executive’s institutional structure not only improved the president’s use of pardon power but also helped prevent abuses. The president’s pardon power is as unlimited as the British king’s, but the Federalists insisted that it could nevertheless be safely granted to a republican magistrate because Congress could check misuse via an equally extensive power: impeachment and removal.
美国宪法赋予总统几乎无限的赦免权。批准辩论表明,联邦党人和反联邦党人之间关于赦免权的争论是基于他们对三权分立理论的分歧。因为反联邦主义者担心赦免权会被滥用并促进君主制,他们坚持文本限制(“羊皮纸障碍”)。联邦党人拒绝了这些要求,超越了反联邦党人的“纯粹”三权分立理论,主张建立一个复杂的制度制衡体系。这种方法使联邦党人能够展示行政机构的制度结构如何不仅改善了总统对赦免权的使用,而且有助于防止滥用。总统的赦免权和英国国王的一样不受限制,但联邦党人坚持认为,尽管如此,它仍可以安全地授予共和党地方法官,因为国会可以通过同样广泛的权力来制止滥用:弹劾和罢免。
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引用次数: 0
Eric Rauchway. Why the New Deal Matters. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2021. Pp. 232. $26.00 (cloth). Eric Rauchway。为什么新政很重要。康涅狄格州纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,2021年。第232页$26.00(布)。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717945
Richard W. Coughlin
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引用次数: 0
Adam Smith’s Unmerited Censure: Revisiting a Satirical 1764 Pamphlet on Slavery 亚当·斯密的不当谴责:重新审视1764年关于奴隶制的讽刺小册子
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717929
D. Klein, Kendra Asher
We revisit the 1764 anonymous pamphlet An Essay In Vindication of the Continental Colonies of America, from A Censure of Mr Adam Smith, in his Theory of Moral Sentiments. With some Reflections on Slavery in General. The title page says “By an AMERICAN.” The pamphlet pretends to rebut Adam Smith for his supposed censure of American colonists as base wretches and the refuse of the jails of Europe. But Smith was referring to slave ship crews. The pamphlet’s true intent was to honor Smith and to promote his rebuke of the slave trade and slavery in general. The misconstrual of Smith satirizes the troubled communication between the American colonies and Britain. The final 40% of the pamphlet is an all-out condemnation of slavery. The pamphlet was recognized as such by Anthony Benezet and Thomas Clarkson. Authorship has been attributed to Arthur Lee, but we doubt it.
我们重温了1764年亚当·斯密先生在《道德情操论》中的一本匿名小册子《为美国大陆殖民地辩护的随笔》。关于奴隶制的一些思考。这本小册子的标题页上写着“由一个美国人写的”。这本小手册假装反驳亚当·斯密所谓的谴责美国殖民者是卑鄙小人,拒绝欧洲的监狱。但史密斯指的是奴隶船船员。这本小册子的真正目的是向史密斯致敬,并宣传他对奴隶贸易和奴隶制的谴责。对史密斯的误解讽刺了美国殖民地和英国之间混乱的沟通。小册子的最后40%是对奴隶制的全面谴责。这本小册子得到了安东尼·贝内泽和托马斯·克拉克森的认可。作者被认为是李,但我们对此表示怀疑。
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引用次数: 0
The Opportunist: James W. Sullivan and the Origins of the Initiative and Referendum in the United States 机会主义者:詹姆斯·W·沙利文与美国倡议和全民投票的起源
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717930
R. Ellis
Little remembered today, James W. Sullivan wrote the book that, more than any other, catalyzed the initiative and referendum movement in the United States. Crucial to the success of Sullivan’s Direct Legislation by the Citizenship through the Initiative and Referendum was his immersion in the labor radicalism of New York City in the 1880s, including as editor of the Boycotter and Union Printer and labor editor of Henry George’s Standard. Especially important in honing and publicizing his ideas was his tenure at the radical weekly Twentieth Century between 1889 and 1892. Forged in the bitter political and ideological conflicts, setbacks, and disappointments of the late 1880s, Direct Legislation showed “the radical world” a way to sidestep doctrinal fights about political economy and focus instead on knitting together a broad “opportunistic” coalition of labor and middle-class reformers with the power to remake political institutions.
詹姆斯·W·沙利文(James W.Sullivan)写了一本书,这本书比其他任何一本书都更能推动美国的倡议和公民投票运动。沙利文的《公民通过倡议和全民投票直接立法》之所以成功,关键是他在19世纪80年代沉浸在纽约市的劳工激进主义中,包括担任《博伊科特与联合印刷报》的编辑和《亨利·乔治标准报》的劳工编辑。1889年至1892年间,他在激进周刊《二十世纪》任职,这对磨练和宣传他的思想尤为重要。直接立法是在19世纪80年代末激烈的政治和意识形态冲突、挫折和失望中形成的,它向“激进世界”展示了一种避开关于政治经济的理论斗争的方式,而是专注于将一个由劳工和中产阶级改革者组成的广泛的“机会主义”联盟与重塑政治制度的权力结合起来。
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引用次数: 1
Who Decides What We Do with Our Despair? 谁决定我们用绝望做什么?
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717947
Jared A. Loggins
This review essay considers the question of authority and authorization in contemporary black political culture in light of two recent books, Begin Again: James Baldwin’s America and Its Urgent Lessons for Our Own by Eddie S. Glaude Jr. and Afropessimism by Frank B. Wilderson III.
这篇综述文章结合小埃迪·格劳德的《重新开始:詹姆斯·鲍德温的美国及其对我们自己的紧迫教训》和弗兰克·B·威尔德森三世的《非洲主义》两本新书,思考了当代黑人政治文化中的权威和授权问题。
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引用次数: 1
Louis Menand. The Free World: Art and Thought in the Cold War. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2021. Pp. 857. $35.00 (cloth). 路易斯·梅纳德。《自由世界:冷战时期的艺术与思想》纽约:Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2021。857页。35.00美元(布)。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717948
Susan McWilliams Barndt
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引用次数: 0
Brian Danoff. Why Moralize Upon It? Democratic Education through American Literature and Film. Lanham, MD: Lexington, 2020. Pp. 142. $90.00 (cloth). 布莱恩·达诺夫。为什么要道德化?通过美国文学和电影进行民主教育。Lanham,医学博士:列克星敦,2020年。第142页$90.00(布)。
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717946
T. W. McCarty
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引用次数: 0
Henry Adams: The Political Wisdom of His Biography, History, and Freedom 《亨利·亚当斯:他的传记、历史和自由的政治智慧
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717949
N. Taylor
This review essay considers two recent publications: David S. Brown’s The Last American Aristocrat: The Brilliant Life and Improbable Education of Henry Adams, and Ormond Seavey’s Henry Adams in Washington: Linking the Personal and Public Lives of America’s Man of Letters. Henry Adams was the descendant of two American presidents (John Adams and John Quincy Adams) and raised in the revolutionary atmosphere that continued to linger in New England at the time of Adams’s birth in 1838. Yet, by the time of his death in 1918, the republic that his great-grandfather helped to found had been transformed into a large, industrial democracy poised to become one of the twentieth century’s superpowers. Brown, a historian, and Seavey, a literary critic, offer insight into the remarkable life and works of a very private man from one of America’s most public families.
这篇评论文章考虑了最近出版的两本:大卫·s·布朗的《最后的美国贵族:亨利·亚当斯的辉煌生活和不可思议的教育》和奥蒙德·西维的《亨利·亚当斯在华盛顿:连接美国文人的个人和公共生活》。亨利·亚当斯是两位美国总统(约翰·亚当斯和约翰·昆西·亚当斯)的后代,在1838年亚当斯出生时,新英格兰仍弥漫着革命的气氛。然而,到1918年他去世时,他曾祖父帮助建立的共和国已经转变为一个庞大的工业民主国家,有望成为20世纪的超级大国之一。布朗是一名历史学家,西维是一名文学评论家,他们深入了解了一个来自美国最公开的家庭之一的非常低调的人的非凡生活和作品。
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引用次数: 0
Keeping the “Perfect Sweetness … of Solitude”: Toward a Consistent Emersonian Political Theory 保持“孤独的完美甜蜜”:走向一致的爱默生政治理论
IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/717928
J. Rattey
Ralph Waldo Emerson sometimes proclaims radical individualism and a deep antagonism to associational living. Other times—especially in the context of abolitionism and reformism—he urges solidarity and membership in associations. We can understand Emerson as a consistent political theorist through his treatment of moral authority, which he suggests must be located beyond associational life. In Emerson’s writings, moral authority takes two forms: a positive embrace of a moral superstructure (variously called the “Over-Soul,” “God,” “Genius,” and more), and a negative or critical resistance against the corrupting features of associational life. This article sheds light on the extent to which these seemingly disparate features of Emerson’s political theory overlap and sometimes operate in tandem. By illuminating the external quality of moral authority, this article enables a fuller appreciation of Emerson’s democratic political theory.
拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生有时宣扬激进的个人主义和对集体生活的强烈反对。其他时候,特别是在废奴主义和改革的背景下,他敦促团结和加入协会。我们可以通过他对道德权威的处理来理解爱默生是一位始终如一的政治理论家,他认为道德权威必须超越交往生活。在爱默生的著作中,道德权威有两种形式:一种是对道德上层建筑的积极拥抱(被称为“超灵魂”、“上帝”、“天才”等等),另一种是对集体生活的腐败特征的消极或批判的抵制。这篇文章揭示了爱默生政治理论中这些看似不同的特征在多大程度上重叠,有时是串联起作用的。本文通过阐释道德权威的外在性质,使我们能够更全面地理解爱默生的民主政治理论。
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American Political Thought
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