The legal aspects of regaining independence by Poland in 1918 have been analysed many times in the literature on the subject. In the interwar period, the axis of one of the main disputes in the environment of Polish international lawyers was whether the Second Polish Republic could be treated as a new state or a continuation of the pre-partition state. Until today, a uniform position of the doctrine on this topic, which is also taken up in contemporary publications, has not crystallised. Both sides of the dispute, however, overlook many aspects related to the law of nations concerning the collapse and continuity of states, which has changed throughout history. The aim of this article is to re-analyse the partition and regaining independence by Poland against the background of norms of international law of the time. This will help to systematise the knowledge about the history of Poland and this part of Europe, to resolve a weighty dispute in the history of Polish doctrine of international law, and to point out important aspects related to the struggle of nations still trying to regain independence.
{"title":"O wskrzeszeniu Rzeczypospolitej raz jeszcze. Problem restytucji państwa polskiego z perspektywy prawa międzynarodowego","authors":"J. Wojas","doi":"10.31268/ps.2022.143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.143","url":null,"abstract":"The legal aspects of regaining independence by Poland in 1918 have been analysed many times in the literature on the subject. In the interwar period, the axis of one of the main disputes in the environment of Polish international lawyers was whether the Second Polish Republic could be treated as a new state or a continuation of the pre-partition state. Until today, a uniform position of the doctrine on this topic, which is also taken up in contemporary publications, has not crystallised. Both sides of the dispute, however, overlook many aspects related to the law of nations concerning the collapse and continuity of states, which has changed throughout history. The aim of this article is to re-analyse the partition and regaining independence by Poland against the background of norms of international law of the time. This will help to systematise the knowledge about the history of Poland and this part of Europe, to resolve a weighty dispute in the history of Polish doctrine of international law, and to point out important aspects related to the struggle of nations still trying to regain independence.","PeriodicalId":42093,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Sejmowy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69347909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article was devoted to the institution of transitional lump-sum income tax introduced by the act on the so-called Polish Deal (Polski Ład). As demonstrated, it actually meets the criteria of tax amnesty and at the same time raises serious doubts as to its compliance with the constitutional principles of equality (Article 32 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland) and universality of taxation (Article 84 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland). The publication presents the tax amnesty institution itself, its essence and historical outline as well as the normative construction of transitional lump-sum income tax. The compliance of the provisions normalising the institution of the transitional lump-sum income tax was also analysed along with the indicated provisions of the fundamental law.
{"title":"Konstytucyjna zasada równości w kontekście przepisów abolicyjnych w ustawie Polski Ład","authors":"Kamila Doktór-Bindas, Michalina Duda-Hyz","doi":"10.31268/ps.2022.151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.151","url":null,"abstract":"The article was devoted to the institution of transitional lump-sum income tax introduced by the act on the so-called Polish Deal (Polski Ład). As demonstrated, it actually meets the criteria of tax amnesty and at the same time raises serious doubts as to its compliance with the constitutional principles of equality (Article 32 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland) and universality of taxation (Article 84 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland). The publication presents the tax amnesty institution itself, its essence and historical outline as well as the normative construction of transitional lump-sum income tax. The compliance of the provisions normalising the institution of the transitional lump-sum income tax was also analysed along with the indicated provisions of the fundamental law.","PeriodicalId":42093,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Sejmowy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69348143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper deals with different variants of the presidential model, with a particular emphasis on the possibility of including the post of prime minister. The author argues that presidentialism should be defined by taking into account abstracted general constructions that can be duplicated and easily identified outside the United States of America. Such a research perspective allows for the analysis of structures that exist in countries that adopt the most important assumptions of the presidential system but modify it in various ways. One of such potential modification is the existence of the post of prime minister, as well as some other elements of parliamentarianism. The author examines the features of presidentialism on the example of six selected countries (Argentina, Brazil, Cyprus, Kenya, South Korea and the Ivory Coast). Three of them have the posts of prime ministers, while the other three are closer in this respect to the model known from the United States of America.
{"title":"Warianty monistycznej egzekutywy w strukturze prezydenckiego systemu rządów","authors":"Łukasz Jakubiak","doi":"10.31268/ps.2022.152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.152","url":null,"abstract":"The paper deals with different variants of the presidential model, with a particular emphasis on the possibility of including the post of prime minister. The author argues that presidentialism should be defined by taking into account abstracted general constructions that can be duplicated and easily identified outside the United States of America. Such a research perspective allows for the analysis of structures that exist in countries that adopt the most important assumptions of the presidential system but modify it in various ways. One of such potential modification is the existence of the post of prime minister, as well as some other elements of parliamentarianism. The author examines the features of presidentialism on the example of six selected countries (Argentina, Brazil, Cyprus, Kenya, South Korea and the Ivory Coast). Three of them have the posts of prime ministers, while the other three are closer in this respect to the model known from the United States of America.","PeriodicalId":42093,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Sejmowy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69348182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The reviewed monograph is a study on the foreign policy of the Law and Justice party in the period of 2015–2019. The book has a broader scope than the title suggests. It is rather a study on the state and management of foreign policy of a contemporary modern state. There are valuable references to the political thinking of the Law and Justice party, which ruled in Poland from 2005 to 2007 and after 2015.
所审查的专著是对2015-2019年期间法律与正义党外交政策的研究。这本书的范围比书名所暗示的要广泛。更确切地说，它是对一个当代现代国家的外交政策的状态和管理的研究。法律与正义党(Law and Justice party)在2005年至2007年以及2015年之后执政波兰，其政治思想值得借鉴。
{"title":"Koncepcja „polskiej wersji” realizmu wdrażanej z umiarkowanym konserwatyzmem Recenzja publikacji: Waldemar Paruch, Realizm i wartości. Prawo i Sprawiedliwość o polityce zagranicznej","authors":"Tomasz Wicha","doi":"10.31268/ps.2022.159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.159","url":null,"abstract":"The reviewed monograph is a study on the foreign policy of the Law and Justice party in the period of 2015–2019. The book has a broader scope than the title suggests. It is rather a study on the state and management of foreign policy of a contemporary modern state. There are valuable references to the political thinking of the Law and Justice party, which ruled in Poland from 2005 to 2007 and after 2015.","PeriodicalId":42093,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Sejmowy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69367316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article aims not only at presenting the nature and the advantages of the postulate of maximum specificity of the created offence type but also at determining whether the exclusively literal, uncompromising understanding of the specificity principle on the basis of the provisions of the criminal law should be assessed as the foundation rationalising the establishment of the criminal law norms. The discussion on the abovementioned topic refers to the views in terms of theory and judicial decisions (with particular emphasis on the decisions of the Constitutional Tribunal) on the basis of which an attempt is made to determine whether potential exceptions from restrictive understanding of the nullum crimen sine lege certa principle pose a threat to the guarantee nature of this principle.
{"title":"Postulat nullum crimen sine lege certa i jego (nie)kategoryczność w procesie stanowienia prawa karnego","authors":"Agnieszka Kania-Chramęga","doi":"10.31268/ps.2022.98","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.98","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims not only at presenting the nature and the advantages of the postulate of maximum specificity of the created offence type but also at determining whether the exclusively literal, uncompromising understanding of the specificity principle on the basis of the provisions of the criminal law should be assessed as the foundation rationalising the establishment of the criminal law norms. The discussion on the abovementioned topic refers to the views in terms of theory and judicial decisions (with particular emphasis on the decisions of the Constitutional Tribunal) on the basis of which an attempt is made to determine whether potential exceptions from restrictive understanding of the nullum crimen sine lege certa principle pose a threat to the guarantee nature of this principle.","PeriodicalId":42093,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Sejmowy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69367531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The analysis undertaken in the article concerns the position of the president in the political system of Vietnam. The analysis begins with the period of formation of Vietnamese statehood after colonial era. In 1946, Vietnam’s first constitution was adopted. Following the abdication of Emperor Bao Dai, the first president acting under it was Ho Chi Minh. The constitution gave the president considerable powers which were amended in subsequent constitutions. Vietnam’s political system was strongly influenced by the international situation at each stage ending with adoption of a new constitution. Beginning with the second constitution, in 1959, the Communist Party of Vietnam remained the leading force in the state. The victory with the United States of America sealed this state of affairs. A feature of the entrenched party system in Vietnam was that the ruling party based on collegial leadership. This collegial leadership also applied to the president’s position in the political system. It was no longer the president himself, but the collegiate bodies that indicated the directions of development of the socio-economic system. The glue remained the Communist Party of Vietnam, which controlled, supervised and fed these collegiate bodies. Changes came after the doi moi reforms, when it was decided to liberalise the economy, but with limited changes to the political system. The entire current ruling elite of the country comes from the CPV. The last constitution was adopted in 2013, while personnel decisions were made at the 13th Congress of the CPV – a return to a power-sharing structure based on the “four pillars”: the secretary general of the party, the president, the prime minister and the speaker of the National Assembly.
{"title":"Prezydent w systemie politycznym Wietnamu. Analiza porównawcza założeń ustrojowych wietnamskich konstytucji","authors":"Małgorzata Pietrasiak","doi":"10.31268/ps.2022.127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.127","url":null,"abstract":"The analysis undertaken in the article concerns the position of the president in the political system of Vietnam. The analysis begins with the period of formation of Vietnamese statehood after colonial era. In 1946, Vietnam’s first constitution was adopted. Following the abdication of Emperor Bao Dai, the first president acting under it was Ho Chi Minh. The constitution gave the president considerable powers which were amended in subsequent constitutions. Vietnam’s political system was strongly influenced by the international situation at each stage ending with adoption of a new constitution. Beginning with the second constitution, in 1959, the Communist Party of Vietnam remained the leading force in the state. The victory with the United States of America sealed this state of affairs. A feature of the entrenched party system in Vietnam was that the ruling party based on collegial leadership. This collegial leadership also applied to the president’s position in the political system. It was no longer the president himself, but the collegiate bodies that indicated the directions of development of the socio-economic system. The glue remained the Communist Party of Vietnam, which controlled, supervised and fed these collegiate bodies. Changes came after the doi moi reforms, when it was decided to liberalise the economy, but with limited changes to the political system. The entire current ruling elite of the country comes from the CPV. The last constitution was adopted in 2013, while personnel decisions were made at the 13th Congress of the CPV – a return to a power-sharing structure based on the “four pillars”: the secretary general of the party, the president, the prime minister and the speaker of the National Assembly.","PeriodicalId":42093,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Sejmowy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69347454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The presented review article is devoted to the monograph Взаємодія політики і права у процесі суспільної трансформації в Україні та Республіці Польща [Interaction of Politics and Law in the Process of Social Transformation in Ukraine and the Republic of Poland] by Oksana V. Kukuruz. The author emphasises that politics and law are equally important regulators of social relations, sharing a common goal – the effective development of society. She argues that a socially useful model of interaction between politics and law should be based on: scientific basis, constitutional values, information and communication component, political and legal responsibility. The researcher proves that the proper interaction of politics and law is possible through the maximum convergence of their practical and theoretical levels, based on scientifically justified recommendations.
本文是对Oksana V. Kukuruz的专著Взаємодія політики * права * процесі суспільної трансформації * Україні та Республіці Польща[乌克兰和波兰共和国社会转型过程中政治与法律的相互作用]的评论文章。作者强调，政治与法律是同等重要的社会关系调节者，它们有着共同的目标——社会的有效发展。她认为，对社会有益的政法互动模式应基于:科学基础、宪法价值、信息和传播成分、政治和法律责任。研究人员证明，政治和法律的适当互动是可能的，通过他们的实践和理论水平的最大趋同，基于科学合理的建议。
{"title":"Prawo a polityka w procesie przemian społecznych na Ukrainie i w Polsce Recenzja publikacji: Оксана Володимирівна Кукуруз, Взаємодія політики і права у процесі суспільної трансформації в Україні та Республіці Польща","authors":"Jacek Zaleśny","doi":"10.31268/ps.2022.133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.133","url":null,"abstract":"The presented review article is devoted to the monograph Взаємодія політики і права у процесі суспільної трансформації в Україні та Республіці Польща [Interaction of Politics and Law in the Process of Social Transformation in Ukraine and the Republic of Poland] by Oksana V. Kukuruz. The author emphasises that politics and law are equally important regulators of social relations, sharing a common goal – the effective development of society. She argues that a socially useful model of interaction between politics and law should be based on: scientific basis, constitutional values, information and communication component, political and legal responsibility. The researcher proves that the proper interaction of politics and law is possible through the maximum convergence of their practical and theoretical levels, based on scientifically justified recommendations.","PeriodicalId":42093,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Sejmowy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69347702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The defect of secondary unconstitutionality of the law (manifest unconstitutionality) is an issue growing out of judicial practice, and its determination is a multi-stage process. In this process, the judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal performs the function of a predicate ruling (prejudykat) for the court, for which it is binding not only in the operative part of the judgement, but also in the justification. This is of particular importance for the determination of manifest unconstitutionality. What is important is not the wording of the provision affected by the defect in question, but its meaning, normative environment, purpose and legal effect. The linguistic concurrence of the juxtaposed provisions argues for secondary unconstitutionality. It is, however, a prerequisite, but not a sufficient condition for its determination by the court.
{"title":"Wtórna niekonstytucyjność przepisów ustawowych w orzecznictwie sądów administracyjnych","authors":"Dorota Lis-Staranowicz, M. Kopacz","doi":"10.31268/ps.2022.154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.154","url":null,"abstract":"The defect of secondary unconstitutionality of the law (manifest unconstitutionality) is an issue growing out of judicial practice, and its determination is a multi-stage process. In this process, the judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal performs the function of a predicate ruling (prejudykat) for the court, for which it is binding not only in the operative part of the judgement, but also in the justification. This is of particular importance for the determination of manifest unconstitutionality. What is important is not the wording of the provision affected by the defect in question, but its meaning, normative environment, purpose and legal effect. The linguistic concurrence of the juxtaposed provisions argues for secondary unconstitutionality. It is, however, a prerequisite, but not a sufficient condition for its determination by the court.","PeriodicalId":42093,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Sejmowy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69348196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The publication by Jerzy Jaskiernia (Dyplomacja parlamentarna, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2022, p. 975) is subject to a scientific review. The author presented the content of the dissertation, trying to argue with its author, from the position of a representative of political science. The informative values of the fourth chapter were emphasised, along with the inspirational and organisational features characteristic of the remaining parts of the work. The polemic focused on the definitional view of the term diplomacy and the relationship of “parliamentary diplomacy” with the executive and legislative powers.
Jerzy Jaskiernia的出版物(Dyplomacja parentarna, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, toruski 2022, p. 975)将接受科学审查。作者从政治学代表的立场出发，提出论文的内容，试图与作者进行辩论。强调了第四章的信息价值，以及工作其余部分的灵感和组织特征。争论的焦点是“外交”一词的定义观点以及“议会外交”与行政和立法权力的关系。
{"title":"Między pierwszą a drugą władzą Recenzja publikacji: Jerzy Jaskiernia, Dyplomacja parlamentarna","authors":"A. Adamczyk","doi":"10.31268/ps.2022.158","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.158","url":null,"abstract":"The publication by Jerzy Jaskiernia (Dyplomacja parlamentarna, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2022, p. 975) is subject to a scientific review. The author presented the content of the dissertation, trying to argue with its author, from the position of a representative of political science. The informative values of the fourth chapter were emphasised, along with the inspirational and organisational features characteristic of the remaining parts of the work. The polemic focused on the definitional view of the term diplomacy and the relationship of “parliamentary diplomacy” with the executive and legislative powers.","PeriodicalId":42093,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Sejmowy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69367275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article deals with legal aspects of crime against elections and referendum and its selected criminal symptoms. The legislator has defined crimes of this kind in two legal acts: the Criminal Code of 1997 (Articles 248–251) and the Electoral Code of 2011 (Articles 497–497a, 500–510 and 513c). Crimes against elections and referendum include, among others, violation of the freedom to vote, electoral bribery, violation of the secrecy of the ballot, collection of signatures of support in the form of pressure, in unauthorised places and for advantage, possession of the ballot outside the polling station or lack of openness and transparency of the financial management of the electoral committee. Although the Penal Code contains fewer offenses against elections than the Election Code, the behaviours included therein were committed more often (they constituted 3/4 of election crimes in Poland). The stated election crimes have intensified in recent years and are characterised by an upward trend. Elections are therefore for some a realisation of fundamental civic rights, and for others, unfortunately, a field for abuse to achieve electoral success (one’s own or that of a political favorite). The research results presented in this article justify the need to deepen scientific research, especially on criminogenic factors of electoral crime.
{"title":"Przestępczość przeciwko wyborom i referendum w Polsce w latach 1999–2019","authors":"Diana Dajnowicz-Piesiecka","doi":"10.31268/ps.2022.97","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.97","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with legal aspects of crime against elections and referendum and its selected criminal symptoms. The legislator has defined crimes of this kind in two legal acts: the Criminal Code of 1997 (Articles 248–251) and the Electoral Code of 2011 (Articles 497–497a, 500–510 and 513c). Crimes against elections and referendum include, among others, violation of the freedom to vote, electoral bribery, violation of the secrecy of the ballot, collection of signatures of support in the form of pressure, in unauthorised places and for advantage, possession of the ballot outside the polling station or lack of openness and transparency of the financial management of the electoral committee. Although the Penal Code contains fewer offenses against elections than the Election Code, the behaviours included therein were committed more often (they constituted 3/4 of election crimes in Poland). The stated election crimes have intensified in recent years and are characterised by an upward trend. Elections are therefore for some a realisation of fundamental civic rights, and for others, unfortunately, a field for abuse to achieve electoral success (one’s own or that of a political favorite). The research results presented in this article justify the need to deepen scientific research, especially on criminogenic factors of electoral crime.","PeriodicalId":42093,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Sejmowy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69367952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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