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International Journal of Discrimination and the Law最新文献

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Vulnerable bodies and invisible work: The Covid-19 pandemic and social reproduction 脆弱的身体和无形的工作:新冠肺炎大流行与社会再生产
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-14 DOI: 10.1177/13582291211031371
E. Gordon-Bouvier
The restrained state has always sought to devalue socially reproductive work, often consigning it to the private family unit, where it is viewed as a natural part of female relational roles. This marginalisation of social reproduction adversely affects those performing it and reduces their resilience to vulnerability. The pandemic has largely shattered the liberal illusions of autonomous personhood and state restraint. The reality of our universal embodied vulnerability has now become impossible to ignore, and society’s reliance on socially reproductive work has therefore been pushed into public view. However, the pandemic has also exacerbated harms and pressures for those performing paid and unpaid social reproduction, creating a crisis that demands an urgent state response. As it is argued in this paper, the UK response to date has been inadequate, illustrating an unwillingness to abandon familiar principles of liberal individualism. However, the pandemic has also created a climate of exceptionality, which has prompted even the most neoliberal of states to consider measures that in the past would have been dismissed. In this paper, it is imagined how the state can use this opportunity to become more responsive and improve the resilience of social reproduction workers, both inside and outside the home.
克制的国家总是试图贬低社会生殖工作,经常将其交给私人家庭单位,在那里它被视为女性关系角色的自然组成部分。这种社会再生产的边缘化对从事社会再生产的人产生了不利影响,并降低了他们对脆弱性的抵御能力。疫情在很大程度上粉碎了自由主义者对自主人格和国家克制的幻想。我们普遍存在的脆弱性这一现实现在已经不容忽视,社会对社会生殖工作的依赖也因此被推到了公众视野中。然而,疫情也加剧了那些从事有偿和无偿社会再生产的人的伤害和压力,造成了一场需要国家紧急应对的危机。正如本文所述,英国迄今为止的反应并不充分,这表明英国不愿放弃人们熟悉的自由主义个人主义原则。然而,疫情也造成了一种例外的气氛,这促使即使是最新自由主义的国家也考虑过去会被驳回的措施。在这篇论文中,我们设想了国家如何利用这一机会,提高家庭内外社会再生产工作者的反应能力和韧性。
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引用次数: 6
Vulnerability, legal need and technology in England and Wales 英格兰和威尔士的脆弱性、法律需求和技术
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-12 DOI: 10.1177/13582291211031375
Dan Newman, Jess Mant, F. Gordon
This paper explores legal need and legal advice in England and Wales during the COVID-19 pandemic. It uses the lens of vulnerability theory to examine the ways in which this crisis exposed pre-existing fragilities between the state and its relationship with the advice sector, and the individuals who experience social welfare problems. The paper commences by exploring Fineman’s vulnerability thesis and its application to those experiencing social welfare-related issues, as well as the vulnerability of the systems operating to give advice. The paper then considers the specific context of the COVID-19 pandemic and the impact on needs, and the ability of the sector to meet these needs. Drawing on policy documents, reports and three case studies from law centres in England and Wales, it discusses the concept of legal need and the realities being experienced. These case studies assist us in being able to critically consider the topics of vulnerability, changing needs and the role that technology is, and can play during the pandemic and beyond. Lastly, the paper points to the need for a critical consideration of the sustainability and format of legal advice in addressing legal need in the post-COVID-19 landscape.
本文探讨了新冠肺炎大流行期间英格兰和威尔士的法律需求和法律建议。它使用脆弱性理论的视角来审视这场危机暴露出国家及其与咨询部门的关系以及经历社会福利问题的个人之间预先存在的脆弱性的方式。本文首先探讨了Fineman的脆弱性理论及其在经历社会福利相关问题的人中的应用,以及提供建议的系统的脆弱性。然后,本文考虑了新冠肺炎大流行的具体背景、对需求的影响以及该部门满足这些需求的能力。它借鉴了英格兰和威尔士法律中心的政策文件、报告和三个案例研究,讨论了法律需求的概念和所经历的现实。这些案例研究有助于我们批判性地考虑脆弱性、不断变化的需求以及技术在疫情期间和之后所起的作用。最后,该文件指出,在应对新冠肺炎疫情后形势下的法律需求时,有必要对法律咨询的可持续性和形式进行认真考虑。
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引用次数: 4
Critical analysis of transformative interventions redressing apartheid land discrimination and injustices in South Africa: From land segregation to inclusivity 对南非纠正种族隔离土地歧视和不公正的变革性干预的批判性分析:从土地隔离到包容性
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.1177/13582291211025136
Precius Sihlangu, Kola Sola Odeku
In 1994, as soon as South Africa became a democratic country, the first step taken by the new democratic government was to introduce various transformative constitutional and legislative interventions that sought to redress all the past apartheid discriminatory laws. This paper looks at these interventions by critically showcasing how they are being used to transform and reform land by ensuring inclusivity and equity in South Africa where the previously denied, disposed and segregated Black majority have access and are benefitting broadly.
1994年,南非一成为一个民主国家,新的民主政府采取的第一步就是采取各种变革性的宪法和立法干预措施,试图纠正过去所有的种族隔离歧视性法律。本文通过批判性地展示这些干预措施是如何通过确保南非的包容性和公平性来改造和改革土地的,在南非,以前被拒绝、被处置和被隔离的黑人多数可以获得并广泛受益。
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引用次数: 0
Critical issues arising from litigating HIV/AIDS discrimination in Nigeria 尼日利亚艾滋病毒/艾滋病歧视诉讼引发的关键问题
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-21 DOI: 10.1177/13582291211025137
Bola Fajemirokun
The evolution of HIV/AIDS policy and legal frameworks in Nigeria has happened in distinct phases. The first period between 1986 when the first AIDS cases were reported and 1996 was uneventful and generally characterized by a distinct lack of appreciation of the spread and impact of the disease. During the following decade, notable achievements included the institutionalization of multisectoral responses at all levels of government and the introduction of national and sub-national policies and programmes. Comparable breakthroughs have been slow to occur in the legal environment despite evidence of widespread HIV/AIDS discrimination. This article analyses the legal mechanisms for addressing HIV/AIDS discrimination in Nigeria and argues that even with the emergence of HIV/AIDS-specific anti-discrimination legislation, the protection for persons living with or affected by HIV/AIDS is far from being secured.
尼日利亚艾滋病毒/艾滋病政策和法律框架的演变经历了不同的阶段。从1986年报告了第一批艾滋病病例到1996年的第一个时期是平淡无奇的,总的特点是明显缺乏对这种疾病的传播和影响的认识。在接下来的十年中,显著的成就包括各级政府的多部门对策制度化,以及国家和国家以下各级的政策和方案的出台。尽管有证据表明艾滋病毒/艾滋病歧视普遍存在,但在法律环境中出现类似突破的速度很慢。本文分析了尼日利亚解决艾滋病毒/艾滋病歧视的法律机制,并认为即使出现了针对艾滋病毒/艾滋病的反歧视立法,对艾滋病毒/艾滋病感染者或受其影响的人的保护仍远未得到保障。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial Summer 2021 2021年夏季社论
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/13582291211017714
N. Busby, Grace James
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引用次数: 0
Beyond discrimination: Mahlangu and the use of intersectionality as a general theory of constitutional interpretation 超越歧视:马兰古和交叉性作为宪法解释的一般理论的使用
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/13582291211015637
Shreya Atrey
This case note explores the landmark decision of the South African Constitutional Court in Mahlangu and Another v. Minister of Labour and Others, which recognised intersectional discrimination under section 9(3) of the Constitution. It shows that the Court went beyond that in fact and recognised intersectionality not just as part of discrimination law, but also as part of general constitutional law, using it as a theory of constitutional interpretation in adjudication.
本案例说明探讨了南非宪法法院在Mahlangu和Another诉劳工部长和其他人案中的里程碑式裁决,该裁决承认了《宪法》第9(3)条规定的交叉歧视。它表明,法院事实上超越了这一点,承认交叉性不仅是歧视法的一部分,也是一般宪法的一部分。
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引用次数: 1
Who Votes Without Identification? Using Individual-Level Administrative Data to Measure the Burden of Strict Voter Identification Laws 谁没有身份证明就投票?用个人层面的行政数据衡量严格的选民身份法的负担
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3205769
Phoebe Henninger, M. Meredith, Michael Morse
Prior work often mischaracterizes who is burdened by strict voter identification (ID) laws, either by assuming that everyone who does not possess ID is burdened by the law or that those who do possess ID cannot be burdened. But many people without ID are unlikely to vote, and some people with ID may not have access to it on Election Day. Given this, we better measure who is burdened by studying Michigan's 2016 presidential election, where someone who lacked access to ID could nonetheless vote after signing an a davit. A random sample of affidavits reveal that about 0.45 percent of voters lacked access to ID, nearly all of whom possessed state-issued identification. Non-white voters are about five times more likely to lack access to ID than white voters. While lacking access to ID did not legally prevent anyone from voting, survey evidence suggests that not all voters understand this.
以前的工作经常错误地描述严格的选民身份法的负担,要么假设每个没有身份证明的人都受到法律的负担,要么假设那些拥有身份证明的人不会受到负担。但许多没有身份证的人不太可能投票,而一些有身份证的人可能在选举日无法使用身份证。考虑到这一点,我们可以通过研究2016年密歇根州的总统选举来更好地衡量谁是负担,在那里,没有身份证的人在签署了一份同意书后仍然可以投票。对宣誓书的随机抽样显示,大约0.45%的选民无法获得身份证件,几乎所有人都拥有国家颁发的身份证件。非白人选民无法获得身份证的可能性是白人选民的五倍。虽然无法获得身份证明在法律上并不妨碍任何人投票,但调查证据表明,并非所有选民都明白这一点。
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引用次数: 3
Competition and collaboration: Title IX Coordinators and the barriers to achieving educational equity 竞争与合作:第九章协调员与实现教育公平的障碍
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-27 DOI: 10.1177/13582291211014403
Brian Pappas
How do compliance occupations successfully navigate complex institutional environments characterized by changing policy initiatives, managerial logics, unclear expectations, and competition from other occupational groups? This article examines the work of Title IX Coordinators at U.S. Colleges and Universities, who often hold dual roles, operate at lower levels within the institution, and lack the necessary resources to do their work. Using interviews, surveys, professional association materials, and Title IX job ads, this paper describes how Title IX Coordinators adapt to a complex institutional environment and overcome these obstacles in their efforts to enforce Title IX. Title IX Coordinators develop and create collaborative networks of expertise that develop and build shared institutional influence. Using pre-existing relationships and sharing information and expertise, Title IX Coordinators partner with legal counsel, campus police, human resources, ombuds, student affairs, and other occupations to co-produce Title IX compliance.
合规职业如何成功应对以政策举措、管理逻辑、预期不明确和其他职业群体竞争为特征的复杂制度环境?本文考察了美国学院和大学第九章协调员的工作,他们通常身兼两职,在机构内的较低级别运作,缺乏开展工作所需的资源。本文通过访谈、调查、专业协会材料和第九章招聘广告,描述了第九章协调员如何适应复杂的制度环境,并在努力执行第九章时克服这些障碍。第九章协调员利用预先存在的关系并共享信息和专业知识,与法律顾问、校园警察、人力资源、监察员、学生事务和其他职业合作,共同制定第九章合规性。
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引用次数: 2
Resistance is Not Futile: Challenging AAPI Hate 抵抗并非徒劳:挑战对亚太裔的仇恨
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-23 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3851585
P. H. Huang
This Article analyzes how to challenge AAPI (Asian American Pacific Islander) hate, defined as explicit negative bias in racial beliefs towards AAPIs. In economics, beliefs are subjective probabilities over possible outcomes. Traditional neoclassical economics views beliefs as inputs to making decisions, with more accurate beliefs having indirect, instrumental value by improving decision-making. This Article utilizes novel economic theories about belief-based utility, which captures economically the intuitive notion that people can derive pleasure and pain directly from their and other people’s beliefs. Even false beliefs can offer comfort and reassurance to people. This Article also draws on interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary theories about deliberate ignorance, defined as the conscious choice by individuals to ignore certain knowledge or particular information. This Article studies how to change people’s beliefs about what a person of a certain race is likely to do, will do, or has done. This Article defines explicit racism to entail hateful racial beliefs, which can be due to disinformation or misinformation. Hateful beliefs can fuel misunderstanding and violence. This Article focuses on challenging AAPI hate due to the author’s experiences with AAPI hate. This Article examines how and why explicit racism is wrong. This Article analyzes subjective beliefs, hate crime laws, and explicit racism. This Article advocates three ways to challenge AAPI hate: positive racial education and mindfulness, positive racial conversations and communications, and positive racial associations, cultures, and norms.
本文分析了如何挑战AAPI(亚太裔美国人)仇恨,定义为种族信仰中对AAPI的明确负面偏见。在经济学中,信念是对可能结果的主观概率。传统的新古典经济学将信念视为决策的输入,更准确的信念通过改善决策具有间接的工具价值。这篇文章运用了关于基于信念的效用的新经济学理论,它从经济学上抓住了人们可以直接从自己和他人的信仰中获得快乐和痛苦的直观概念。即使是错误的信念也能给人们带来安慰和安心。本文还借鉴了关于故意无知的跨学科和多学科理论,故意无知被定义为个人有意识地选择忽略某些知识或特定信息。本文研究如何改变人们对某个种族的人可能做什么、将要做什么或已经做了什么的看法。本文将明确的种族主义定义为包含仇恨的种族信仰,这可能是由于虚假信息或错误信息。仇恨的信仰会引发误解和暴力。这篇文章的重点是挑战AAPI仇恨,因为作者的经验与AAPI仇恨。本文探讨了明确的种族主义是错误的,以及为什么是错误的。本文分析了主观信念、仇恨犯罪法和明确的种族主义。这篇文章提出了三种挑战AAPI仇恨的方法:积极的种族教育和意识,积极的种族对话和沟通,以及积极的种族协会,文化和规范。
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引用次数: 0
Xenophobia in the labour market: A South African legal and human rights perspective 劳动力市场中的仇外心理:南非法律和人权观点
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.1177/13582291211014412
John C Mubangizi
This article focuses on xenophobia in the South African labour market and the effect it can and does have on foreign employees. In contrast to current scholarship that portrays xenophobia in South Africa as a consequence of anti-immigrant sentiments and stereotypes that stem from social, political, economic and cultural misconceptions, this paper argues that the causes of xenophobia are much more complex than that. In addition to those misconceptions, it is argued, xenophobia in South Africa may well have its genesis in the pre-1994 apartheid and colonialism era which sought to impose segregation and instill hatred between and among black people. The main argument in the paper, however, is that the South African legal framework and its implementation do not go far enough in addressing the problem of xenophobia in the workplace. As a result, the rights of foreign employees are negatively impacted and not sufficiently protected. To underscore this point, the paper undertakes a discussion on the legal framework and the pertinent human rights implications of xenophobia in the South African labour market before making some recommendations on what can be done to protect the rights of foreign employees better and reduce or prevent xenophobic attacks against them.
这篇文章的重点是南非劳动力市场中的仇外心理及其可能和确实对外国雇员产生的影响。目前的学术界将南非的仇外心理描述为源自社会、政治、经济和文化误解的反移民情绪和刻板印象的结果,与此相反,本文认为仇外心理的原因远比这复杂。有人认为,除了这些误解之外,南非的仇外心理很可能起源于1994年前的种族隔离和殖民主义时代,当时试图在黑人之间强加种族隔离和灌输仇恨。然而,该文件的主要论点是,南非的法律框架及其实施在解决工作场所仇外心理问题方面做得不够。因此,外国雇员的权利受到负面影响,没有得到充分保护。为了强调这一点,本文件讨论了南非劳动力市场中仇外心理的法律框架和相关人权影响,然后就如何更好地保护外国雇员的权利,减少或防止针对他们的仇外攻击提出了一些建议。
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引用次数: 8
期刊
International Journal of Discrimination and the Law
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