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Gender quotas in corporate decision-making bodies – regulatory promotion of equality of results in the EU 企业决策机构中的性别配额——在欧盟促进成果平等的监管
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-06 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1814555
Ana Horvat Vuković
ABSTRACT EU and its member states utilise the paradigm of equality of results in the area of gender equality. In addition to preferences in standardised jobs, states have also been using quotas in corporate and political bodies. Those seem to be best testing grounds, as the arguments supporting their use of quotas are non-controversial. The nature of their work also allows for a laxer application of formal equality, originally tailored to highly competitive activities that necessarily hinge on merit. Regarding quotas in decision-making bodies generally, the argument from democracy stresses the lack of legitimacy for decisions reached by unbalanced representation of genders. This attenuates the normative strength of adopted policies and regulations and renders their acceptance and enforcement difficult. A supporting argument is one from diversity, positing a greater quality of decisions reached and better business performance due to greater responsiveness to the need of the voting/consumer base. The democracy and diversity arguments both are not grounded in distributive justice. However, their utilitarian logic appeals to a market democracy and makes them forerunners in terms of quota justifications. Arguments that, in turn, are based on distributive justice echo anti-subordination theory and stress the quotas’ impact on rebalancing of power. A critical mass of women in decision-making bodies should enhance female social capital. This should symbolically spill over into a newfound self-respect for the whole community, and lift women up through ancillary instruments such as female professional networking, mentoring and sponsorship. One of the main reasons for this that the bluntness of the quota system severs the informal social phenomenon of networking. The ‘gatekeeper’ phenomenon is based on the homophily principle that has traditionally hindered women from ‘rising through the ranks’. In this way, quotas also protect from unconscious bias, which influences social solidarity and disrupts reproduction of set centres of power.
欧盟及其成员国在性别平等领域运用成果平等范式。除了对标准化工作的偏好外,各州还在企业和政治机构中使用配额。这些国家似乎是最好的试验场,因为支持它们使用配额的论据是没有争议的。他们的工作性质也允许更宽松地应用形式上的平等,这种平等最初是为那些必然取决于绩效的高度竞争活动量身定制的。一般来说,关于决策机构的配额,民主的论点强调,由于性别代表性不平衡而作出的决定缺乏合法性。这削弱了所采用的政策和法规的规范性力量,并使它们难以被接受和执行。一个支持的论点是来自多样性,假设更高质量的决策和更好的业务绩效,因为对投票/消费者基础的需求有更好的反应。民主和多样性的论点都没有建立在分配正义的基础上。然而,他们的功利逻辑迎合了市场民主主义,使他们在配额正当性方面成为先行者。反过来,基于分配正义的论点呼应了反从属理论,并强调配额对权力再平衡的影响。决策机构中妇女人数达到临界数量应能提高妇女的社会资本。这应该象征性地蔓延到整个社区的新自尊中,并通过女性职业网络、指导和赞助等辅助工具提升女性的地位。造成这一现象的主要原因之一是配额制度的直观性切断了非正式社会的网络化现象。“看门人”现象是基于同质性原则,这一原则传统上阻碍了女性“升职”。这样,配额还可以防止无意识的偏见,这种偏见会影响社会团结,扰乱既定权力中心的再生产。
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引用次数: 0
The Henry VIII powers in the Brexit process: justification subject to political and legal safeguards 英国脱欧进程中的亨利八世权力:受政治和法律保障的正当性
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1820660
Antonios Kouroutakis
ABSTRACT Henry VIII powers, which are commonly found in legislation, until recently, were not an issue of major constitutional concern. However, their extensive use in the EUWA and the subsequent EUWAA attracted the attention of academics and politicians alike. This article aims to offer justifications for the use of Henry VIII powers in extraordinary situations such as Brexit, given that such powers would be subject to enhanced legal safeguards. In doing so, this article examines the challenge that the Brexit process poses to the law making institutions, and it elaborates on how the proper use of Henry VIII powers has the capacity to meet the Brexit ends. It also focuses on the particular Henry VIII powers in the EUWA and the EUWAA and it examines both the legal and the political safeguards. It evaluates both the legal and the political safeguards and it highlights their positive and negative aspects. Finally, this article concludes with a set of legal safeguards, procedural and material, that are necessary for the proper use of such powers in future legislation. In particular, it argues that the proper use of Henry VIII powers should include at least two safeguards; first a pre-legislative stage attracting public engagement and second a substantive limit according to which the executive should not be allowed to use Henry VIII powers to amend acts of constitutional value and most importantly the enabling act. Accordingly, it proposes that there is need for a constitutional statute to set uniform safeguards and standards for every use of Henry VIII powers.
摘要亨利八世的权力在立法中很常见,直到最近,它还不是宪法关注的主要问题。然而,它们在EUWA和随后的EUWAA中的广泛使用引起了学术界和政界人士的关注。本文旨在为在英国脱欧等特殊情况下使用亨利八世的权力提供理由,因为这些权力将受到加强的法律保障。在这样做的过程中,本文探讨了英国脱欧进程对立法机构构成的挑战,并阐述了亨利八世权力的正确使用如何有能力实现英国脱欧的目标。它还重点讨论了亨利八世在欧盟西非和欧盟西非的特殊权力,并审查了法律和政治保障。它评估了法律保障和政治保障,并强调了它们的积极和消极方面。最后,本文最后提出了一套程序性和实质性的法律保障措施,这些保障措施对于在未来立法中正确使用这些权力是必要的。特别是,它认为,正确使用亨利八世的权力应包括至少两项保障措施;首先是吸引公众参与的立法前阶段,其次是不应允许行政部门使用亨利八世的权力来修改具有宪法价值的法案,最重要的是授权法案的实质性限制。因此,它建议有必要制定一项宪法法规,为亨利八世的每一次权力使用制定统一的保障措施和标准。
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引用次数: 2
Emergency powers in a hybrid regime: the case of Hungary 混合政权中的紧急权力:以匈牙利为例
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1838755
Csaba Győry, Nyasha Weinberg
ABSTRACT How should we understand the Hungarian government’s activities since the beginning of the Covid-19 crisis? This article reviews Hungary’s emergency law, and the decrees passed under the emergency authorisation to date, as well as the ending of the state of emergency and the subsequently introduced new statutory emergency regime to ask how Hungary’s actions in recent months should be understood. As the paper demonstrates, bringing in insights from political theory to inform constitutional law approaches to legislative practice can help shed some light on the enigma of Hungary’s apparent legislative ‘restraint’.
摘要我们应该如何理解新冠肺炎危机开始以来匈牙利政府的活动?本文回顾了匈牙利的紧急状态法,以及迄今为止根据紧急状态授权通过的法令,以及紧急状态的结束和随后引入的新的法定紧急状态制度,以询问如何理解匈牙利近几个月的行动。正如本文所表明的那样,从政治理论中引入见解,为立法实践中的宪法方法提供信息,有助于揭示匈牙利明显的立法“克制”之谜。
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引用次数: 7
Global legislative responses to coronavirus 全球应对冠状病毒的立法措施
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1818369
P. Norton
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引用次数: 2
Global legislative responses to coronavirus 全球立法应对冠状病毒
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1816261
Ronan Cormacain, I. Bar-Siman-Tov
ABSTRACT States around the world have struggled to come up with proper legislative responses to the 2019 novel coronavirus pandemic. This editorial introduces the special issue on ‘Global Legislative Responses to Coronavirus’ and offers an overview of its rich array of articles. It follows on from the previous special issue on legislatures in a time of Covid-19.
世界各国都在努力制定适当的立法措施来应对2019年新型冠状病毒大流行。这篇社论介绍了“全球立法应对冠状病毒”特刊,并概述了其丰富的文章。这是上一期关于新冠肺炎时期立法机构的特刊的延续。
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引用次数: 2
Reinventing the wheel … and rolling over fundamental freedoms? The Covid-19 epidemic in France and the ‘State of Health Emergency' 重新发明轮子,践踏基本自由?法国的Covid-19疫情和“卫生紧急状态”
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1804110
S. Platon
ABSTRACT In order to cope with the Covid-19 crisis, the French Parliament has adopted an Act creating a new emergency powers regime, dubbed state of health emergency, which is currently in force. The present paper aims at analysing and providing a critical appraisal of this regime. In particular, it will be demonstrated that this regime is rather imbalanced in that it confers important powers to the executive with limited checks and balances. It will also be contended that the creation of a new regime was not necessary, and that it would have been wiser to amend the existing state of emergency.
摘要为了应对新冠肺炎危机,法国议会通过了一项法案,建立了一个新的紧急权力制度,称为卫生紧急状态,目前正在生效。本文件旨在分析并对这一制度作出批判性评价。特别是,这将证明这个制度相当不平衡,因为它赋予行政部门重要权力,但制衡有限。也有人认为,建立一个新的制度是没有必要的,修改现有的紧急状态会更明智。
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引用次数: 3
Designing effective legislation 设计有效的立法
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-07 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1788810
Ross Carter
The book’s aims, contents, and conclusion can be seen clearly in this outline (emphasis added): What is effective legislation? Can lawmakers around the world improve the effectiveness of their laws...
这本书的目的、内容和结论,在这个提纲(加注)中可以看得很清楚:什么是有效的立法?世界各地的立法者能否提高其法律的有效性……
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引用次数: 1
Keeping Covid-19 emergency legislation socially distant from ordinary legislation: principles for the structure of emergency legislation 保持Covid-19紧急立法与普通立法的社会距离:紧急立法结构的原则
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1786272
Ronan Cormacain
ABSTRACT Domestic and international jurisprudence indicate the principles for law making in a public health emergency. These are that emergency laws should be limited, time-bounded and proportionate to the nature of the emergency. One way to give effect to these principles is to socially distance emergency legislation from ordinary legislation. This makes emergency laws separate and distinct from ordinary laws, and reduces the chances of them being used for periods and purposes beyond their initial remit. Specific structural techniques to do this are: to use sunset clauses, to use a single legislative vehicle for emergency laws, to use non-textual amendments, to avoid the standard mosaic approach to making new laws, to expressly state their temporary nature, to specifically limit their use to the emergency and to give them a title which indicates their emergency nature.
国内外法理学为突发公共卫生事件的立法指明了原则。这些原则是,紧急状态法应该是有限的、有时间限制的,并与紧急状态的性质相称。实施这些原则的一个途径是在社会上使紧急立法与普通立法保持距离。这使得紧急状态法与普通法律区分开来,并减少了紧急状态法被用于超出其最初职权范围的时期和目的的可能性。具体的结构方法是:使用日落条款,为紧急状态法使用单一的立法工具,使用非文本修正案,避免制定新法律的标准拼凑方法,明确说明其临时性质,将其使用具体限制在紧急状态,并赋予一个表明其紧急性质的标题。
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引用次数: 14
COVID-19 legislation in the light of the precautionary principle 根据预防原则制定新冠肺炎立法
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-19 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1783627
Klaus Meßerschmidt
ABSTRACT This paper examines in general terms the impact of the precautionary principle on COVID-19 legislation and management. In academic discussion the precautionary principle is usually referred to in the context of environmental policy. The principle can also be found, however, in health protection, which suggests its transfer to the pandemic situation. Contrary to the concern that the principle could serve as a blanket justification for extreme and arbitrary interventions in civil liberties, the paper demonstrates that, notwithstanding conflicts with the rule-of-law obligation to evidence-based legislation, the precautionary principle does not supplant the principle of proportionality. Thus, it sets limits to risk-related legislation even though it allows restrictions in the absence of scientific consensus. Reflecting on the scientific debate about the precautionary principle can help to maintain (or at least restore) rationality and prudent risk tradeoffs even in times of emergency legislation.
摘要本文概述了预防原则对新冠肺炎立法和管理的影响。在学术讨论中,预防原则通常在环境政策的背景下提及。然而,这一原则也可以在健康保护中找到,这表明它已转移到新冠疫情中。与该原则可能成为极端和任意干预公民自由的全面理由的担忧相反,该文件表明,尽管与循证立法的法治义务相冲突,但预防原则并没有取代相称性原则。因此,它对风险相关立法设定了限制,尽管它允许在缺乏科学共识的情况下进行限制。即使在紧急立法时期,反思关于预防原则的科学辩论也有助于保持(或至少恢复)理性和谨慎的风险权衡。
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引用次数: 17
Quasi-state of emergency: assessing the constitutionality of Ghana’s legislative response to Covid-19 准紧急状态:评估加纳应对新冠肺炎立法措施的合宪性
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-15 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1777648
M. Addadzi-Koom
ABSTRACT On 15 March 2020, the President of the Republic of Ghana addressed the nation on anti-coronavirus measures which took effect immediately. He directed the Attorney-General to submit an emergency legislation to Parliament and the Minister for Health to issue an immediate Executive Instrument to regulate the relevant measures. Five days later, Parliament passed the Imposition of Restrictions Act, 2020 (IRA) after a voice count in its favour. A few days, thereafter, the President issued an Executive Instrument (E.I. 64) pursuant to the IRA. The minority members of Parliament, some legal scholars and interested Ghanaians expressed their disapproval of the procedures leading to the enactment of the IRA as well as its nature, form and content. The contentions cover multiple constitutional and legal grounds including the procedural propriety of using a voice vote in Parliament for emergency legislation, the necessity of a new emergency legislation and the time limit for the new emergency legislation. Essentially, these issues point to assessing the overall constitutionality of the law-making procedures and legislative provisions of the IRA. This is the focus of this paper. The paper argues that the IRA stands unconstitutional from the very beginning of its intended existence. The paper concludes that while the IRA is currently operational, its continued existence is challengeable under the 1992 Constitution of Ghana, thus, there is a window of opportunity to right the wrong.
摘要2020年3月15日,加纳共和国总统就立即生效的抗击冠状病毒措施向全国发表讲话。他指示总检察长向议会提交一项紧急立法,并指示卫生部长立即发布一项行政文书,以规范相关措施。五天后,议会通过了《2020年实施限制法案》(IRA),投票结果对其有利。几天后,总统根据爱尔兰共和军颁布了一项行政文书(E.I.64)。议会少数党议员、一些法律学者和感兴趣的加纳人表示不赞成导致颁布《爱尔兰共和军》的程序及其性质、形式和内容。争论涉及多个宪法和法律依据,包括在议会对紧急立法使用声音投票的程序性恰当性、新紧急立法的必要性以及新紧急立法时限。从本质上讲,这些问题指向评估爱尔兰共和军立法程序和立法规定的总体合宪性。这是本文的重点。该论文认为,爱尔兰共和军从其成立之初就违反宪法。该文件的结论是,尽管爱尔兰共和军目前正在运作,但根据1992年加纳宪法,其继续存在是有挑战性的,因此,有一个纠正错误的机会之窗。
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引用次数: 16
期刊
Theory and Practice of Legislation
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