Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2022.2139042
G. Pennisi
ABSTRACT Languages vary widely in terms of gender systems showing differences in the number of classes, underlying assignment rules and how and where gender is marked. The legislative drafting policy conventionally known as the ‘masculine rule’, whereby ‘he includes she’, raised opposition in the 1970s (under the pressure of feminist movements in the United States and Europe), and the adoption of plain English style forced legislative drafters to basically avoid sentences of undue length, superfluous definitions, repeated words and gender specificity with the aim of achieving clarity, minimising ambiguity, and enhance gender-neutrality. Given the prevalence of English as lingua franca, an increasing number of international organisations (i.e. the European Union) and non-English-speaking jurisdictions (i.e. the Italian jurisdiction) have recently shown some instances of a drafting style much more inclined to gender equality. Anything that causes drafters to challenge fixed old habits (i.e. formulaic expressions, grammar rules and social norms, repetitive use of form-meaning associations, common patterns of thought) might be seen as an opportunity for innovation and improvement (unusual collocations, unpredictable compounds). That must be welcome in the environment of English-speaking legislative drafting techniques where considerable reliance on precedent is inevitable and often desirable, a factor which certainly introduces a resistance to change in legislative language and makes it inclined to archaism. In light of the above, the aim of this research is to analyse the lexico-grammatical specificities of the selected languages (English and Italian), and the lexico-grammatical strategies proposed by the EU institutions to implement the EU normative acts into the Italian legislation aiming at gender fair and symmetric representation of men and women.
{"title":"Legislative drafting and gender: some linguistic insights into English and Italian","authors":"G. Pennisi","doi":"10.1080/20508840.2022.2139042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20508840.2022.2139042","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Languages vary widely in terms of gender systems showing differences in the number of classes, underlying assignment rules and how and where gender is marked. The legislative drafting policy conventionally known as the ‘masculine rule’, whereby ‘he includes she’, raised opposition in the 1970s (under the pressure of feminist movements in the United States and Europe), and the adoption of plain English style forced legislative drafters to basically avoid sentences of undue length, superfluous definitions, repeated words and gender specificity with the aim of achieving clarity, minimising ambiguity, and enhance gender-neutrality. Given the prevalence of English as lingua franca, an increasing number of international organisations (i.e. the European Union) and non-English-speaking jurisdictions (i.e. the Italian jurisdiction) have recently shown some instances of a drafting style much more inclined to gender equality. Anything that causes drafters to challenge fixed old habits (i.e. formulaic expressions, grammar rules and social norms, repetitive use of form-meaning associations, common patterns of thought) might be seen as an opportunity for innovation and improvement (unusual collocations, unpredictable compounds). That must be welcome in the environment of English-speaking legislative drafting techniques where considerable reliance on precedent is inevitable and often desirable, a factor which certainly introduces a resistance to change in legislative language and makes it inclined to archaism. In light of the above, the aim of this research is to analyse the lexico-grammatical specificities of the selected languages (English and Italian), and the lexico-grammatical strategies proposed by the EU institutions to implement the EU normative acts into the Italian legislation aiming at gender fair and symmetric representation of men and women.","PeriodicalId":42455,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Practice of Legislation","volume":"10 1","pages":"305 - 321"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47959726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2022.2136427
T. Watkin
ABSTRACT This paper considers the lessons and examples which devolved law-making in Wales since 1999 can provide with regard to the drafting of gender-neutral legislation in a bilingual context. It will examine the issues and problems which have been faced by law-makers and drafters in Wales, and the solutions which they have devised to address them. It will then move on to consider how the guidance and techniques which have been developed may be able to meet the new challenges regarding gender diversity which have come to prominence in recent years.
{"title":"Gender neutrality: description and prescription*","authors":"T. Watkin","doi":"10.1080/20508840.2022.2136427","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20508840.2022.2136427","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper considers the lessons and examples which devolved law-making in Wales since 1999 can provide with regard to the drafting of gender-neutral legislation in a bilingual context. It will examine the issues and problems which have been faced by law-makers and drafters in Wales, and the solutions which they have devised to address them. It will then move on to consider how the guidance and techniques which have been developed may be able to meet the new challenges regarding gender diversity which have come to prominence in recent years.","PeriodicalId":42455,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Practice of Legislation","volume":"10 1","pages":"292 - 304"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43869278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2022.2138375
J. Veitch
ABSTRACT Theory of gender mainstreaming and links to GRB. What is gender responsive budgeting and why it is important. Laws that include specific requirements for implementation including budgets. Laws that do not require budgets. What does this mean for implementation? Gender responsive budgeting assists in the implementation of legislation by ensuring that inclusive resources are provided and also by helping to situate legislation within a gender responsive economic framing. Some UK examples (labour laws and childcare; the gender gap in income over the lifetime, and access to justice; costs of violence against women and girls) demonstrating the link between effective legislation and gender budget analysis.
{"title":"Gender responsive budgeting: a crucial part of the toolkit for the implementation of gender sensitive laws?","authors":"J. Veitch","doi":"10.1080/20508840.2022.2138375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20508840.2022.2138375","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Theory of gender mainstreaming and links to GRB. What is gender responsive budgeting and why it is important. Laws that include specific requirements for implementation including budgets. Laws that do not require budgets. What does this mean for implementation? Gender responsive budgeting assists in the implementation of legislation by ensuring that inclusive resources are provided and also by helping to situate legislation within a gender responsive economic framing. Some UK examples (labour laws and childcare; the gender gap in income over the lifetime, and access to justice; costs of violence against women and girls) demonstrating the link between effective legislation and gender budget analysis.","PeriodicalId":42455,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Practice of Legislation","volume":"10 1","pages":"270 - 291"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49398424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2022.2136428
H. Johnson
ABSTRACT The law is a fundamental arena for advancing gender equality. Parliaments are where laws are made, but differential gender impacts are often not explored when draft legislation is scrutinised. A range of tools exist to help parliamentarians conduct gender-sensitive ex-ante legislative scrutiny but their success relies on parliamentary institutionalisation, localisation of measures, political will and parliamentary leadership, access to evidence and expertise, practical tools, its application to all laws, men, and government practice. Blind spots and weaknesses include intersectionality, the role of empathy in representation, a holistic approach to the whole legislative cycle, and linking to international obligations.
{"title":"Legislating for change: gender-sensitive ex-ante legislative scrutiny in practice","authors":"H. Johnson","doi":"10.1080/20508840.2022.2136428","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20508840.2022.2136428","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The law is a fundamental arena for advancing gender equality. Parliaments are where laws are made, but differential gender impacts are often not explored when draft legislation is scrutinised. A range of tools exist to help parliamentarians conduct gender-sensitive ex-ante legislative scrutiny but their success relies on parliamentary institutionalisation, localisation of measures, political will and parliamentary leadership, access to evidence and expertise, practical tools, its application to all laws, men, and government practice. Blind spots and weaknesses include intersectionality, the role of empathy in representation, a holistic approach to the whole legislative cycle, and linking to international obligations.","PeriodicalId":42455,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Practice of Legislation","volume":"10 1","pages":"249 - 269"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43408315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2022.2147760
S. Palmieri
ABSTRACT As an emergent international norm, gender sensitive parliaments offer parliamentarians and parliamentary staff a new lens through which to consider all aspects of their institutional culture and work practices. In this article, I consider the origins, application and remaining gaps in one particular aspect of gender sensitive parliaments: gender mainstreaming legislation across its entire ‘life cycle’. I begin with a reminder of the international mandates for gender sensitive legislation (GSL), acknowledging a historical emphasis on the responsibility of political institutions to ensure legislation, policy and programmes address – rather than exacerbate – gender inequality. I then assess the tools that have been developed over the past 20 years to support GSL and discuss enduring limitations in its implementation, relating to political will, the collection and analysis of quality data, and inadequate parliamentary opportunities and mechanisms for gender sensitive scrutiny.
{"title":"Gender sensitive parliaments and the legislative cycle: conceptualising new cultures and practices","authors":"S. Palmieri","doi":"10.1080/20508840.2022.2147760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20508840.2022.2147760","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As an emergent international norm, gender sensitive parliaments offer parliamentarians and parliamentary staff a new lens through which to consider all aspects of their institutional culture and work practices. In this article, I consider the origins, application and remaining gaps in one particular aspect of gender sensitive parliaments: gender mainstreaming legislation across its entire ‘life cycle’. I begin with a reminder of the international mandates for gender sensitive legislation (GSL), acknowledging a historical emphasis on the responsibility of political institutions to ensure legislation, policy and programmes address – rather than exacerbate – gender inequality. I then assess the tools that have been developed over the past 20 years to support GSL and discuss enduring limitations in its implementation, relating to political will, the collection and analysis of quality data, and inadequate parliamentary opportunities and mechanisms for gender sensitive scrutiny.","PeriodicalId":42455,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Practice of Legislation","volume":"10 1","pages":"234 - 248"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46936860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-25DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2022.2113201
O. A. K’Akumu
ABSTRACT This paper reviews the political thinking as embedded in the text of the statute constituting the regulation of the engineering profession in Kenya. It specifically focuses on the regulator’s political strategy of consolidation of jurisdictional power and its concentration of regulatory power. Jurisdictional strategies include expansion into the working environment of engineers, attempts to control engineering schools, criminalisation of employment of non-registered engineers, elimination of competition by declaring the statute supreme over others and non-inclusion of the public interest representatives on the board. Regulatory strategies involved the inclusion of principal secretaries on the board, pursuit of financial security by creating a variety of sources, seeking to invest budgetary surplus and retention of legislative powers. The research concludes that the regulator is a narrow interest group interested in power and money rather than the public interest.
{"title":"Regulation as struggle for jurisdictional and maximal power: evidence from the reform strategy of Kenya’s regulator of engineering practice","authors":"O. A. K’Akumu","doi":"10.1080/20508840.2022.2113201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20508840.2022.2113201","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper reviews the political thinking as embedded in the text of the statute constituting the regulation of the engineering profession in Kenya. It specifically focuses on the regulator’s political strategy of consolidation of jurisdictional power and its concentration of regulatory power. Jurisdictional strategies include expansion into the working environment of engineers, attempts to control engineering schools, criminalisation of employment of non-registered engineers, elimination of competition by declaring the statute supreme over others and non-inclusion of the public interest representatives on the board. Regulatory strategies involved the inclusion of principal secretaries on the board, pursuit of financial security by creating a variety of sources, seeking to invest budgetary surplus and retention of legislative powers. The research concludes that the regulator is a narrow interest group interested in power and money rather than the public interest.","PeriodicalId":42455,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Practice of Legislation","volume":"11 1","pages":"32 - 51"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42979743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-07DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2022.2080392
Bagus Hermanto
ABSTRACT The use of legislative reforms as a prominent agenda by developing countries to deliberate various programs and improve legislation quality through rapprochement depends on their abilities, willingness, institutions, and legal perspectives. Therefore, this research considered, determined, and analysed reform rapprochements in Indonesia, highlighted constraints, and proposed approaches to promote effective and efficient legislative quality improvement. These findings revealed several qualitative approaches and measures to determine reform implementations and their impact on legislative quality.
{"title":"Deliberate legislative reforms to improve the legislation quality in developing countries: case of Indonesia","authors":"Bagus Hermanto","doi":"10.1080/20508840.2022.2080392","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20508840.2022.2080392","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The use of legislative reforms as a prominent agenda by developing countries to deliberate various programs and improve legislation quality through rapprochement depends on their abilities, willingness, institutions, and legal perspectives. Therefore, this research considered, determined, and analysed reform rapprochements in Indonesia, highlighted constraints, and proposed approaches to promote effective and efficient legislative quality improvement. These findings revealed several qualitative approaches and measures to determine reform implementations and their impact on legislative quality.","PeriodicalId":42455,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Practice of Legislation","volume":"11 1","pages":"1 - 31"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42828898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2022.2093905
Paul-Sewa Thovoethin, A. Moshood
ABSTRACT Legislatures across the world fulfil core functions of representation, law-making, and oversight. Thus, governance goals of participation, transparency and accountability are directly related to these three functions. However, the COVID-19 crisis which started in China in late 2019 and spread to other countries in the world in 2020 disrupted these core functions by forcing the shut-down of parliaments out of concern for the safety of their members and the public in most countries in the world. As experienced in most countries during the COVID-19 crisis, legislatures in some instances were bypassed as presidents and prime ministers prioritise a rapid response. Further, there were conflicts in the manner in which responses were made to address the pandemic between the central government and sub-national governments, especially in federal states. Invariably, legislatures in most countries were marginalised, with greater power concentrated in the hands of the executive, especially at the central level of government. Paradoxically, even where a situation is so urgent that normal checks and balances must be suspended in favour of efficient decision-making, it is still crucial that parliaments play the roles of oversight that make democratic systems ultimately more durable, more effective and more just than any of the alternatives. The purpose of this work, therefore, is to examine how parliaments in Nigeria, South Africa and Ethiopia performed their core functions during the COVID-19 pandemic. It offers what parliaments under federal and parliamentary systems can do in order to prepare them to function effectively during an emergency. While it is to be hoped that a similar global crisis will not emerge in the near future or ever, the paper intends preparing legislatures in Africa to be more proactive and effective in dealing with diverse future challenges.
{"title":"Legislative effectiveness under COVID-19 in Africa: striving against executive branch overreach and underreach during pandemics","authors":"Paul-Sewa Thovoethin, A. Moshood","doi":"10.1080/20508840.2022.2093905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20508840.2022.2093905","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Legislatures across the world fulfil core functions of representation, law-making, and oversight. Thus, governance goals of participation, transparency and accountability are directly related to these three functions. However, the COVID-19 crisis which started in China in late 2019 and spread to other countries in the world in 2020 disrupted these core functions by forcing the shut-down of parliaments out of concern for the safety of their members and the public in most countries in the world. As experienced in most countries during the COVID-19 crisis, legislatures in some instances were bypassed as presidents and prime ministers prioritise a rapid response. Further, there were conflicts in the manner in which responses were made to address the pandemic between the central government and sub-national governments, especially in federal states. Invariably, legislatures in most countries were marginalised, with greater power concentrated in the hands of the executive, especially at the central level of government. Paradoxically, even where a situation is so urgent that normal checks and balances must be suspended in favour of efficient decision-making, it is still crucial that parliaments play the roles of oversight that make democratic systems ultimately more durable, more effective and more just than any of the alternatives. The purpose of this work, therefore, is to examine how parliaments in Nigeria, South Africa and Ethiopia performed their core functions during the COVID-19 pandemic. It offers what parliaments under federal and parliamentary systems can do in order to prepare them to function effectively during an emergency. While it is to be hoped that a similar global crisis will not emerge in the near future or ever, the paper intends preparing legislatures in Africa to be more proactive and effective in dealing with diverse future challenges.","PeriodicalId":42455,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Practice of Legislation","volume":"10 1","pages":"165 - 185"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45429037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2022.2093495
Numvi Gwaibi
ABSTRACT Cameroon’s parliament is constitutionally mandated to perform multiple functions, including the power to make laws. Like most legislatures, parliament is also empowered to perform familiar representative functions during the unfamiliar abnormal context of a crisis. However, parliament’s competence in the legislative domain is severely restricted by the President, who is neither accountable to the Prime Minister nor the legislature. The executive further dominates the legislative agenda by controlling the admissibility criteria of bills in parliament, which gives pride of place to that introduced by the President. Following the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, the government, in line with WHO recommendations, developed a response plan and also rolled out a solidarity fund of One billion francs CFA. Following persistent allegations of mismanagement of Covid-19 funds, and the leaking of an audit report that alleged massive embezzlement of public funds, Cameroon’s parliament summoned the Minister of Finance to account for the financial misappropriations. However, 24 hours to the session dedicated for this exercise, the item disappeared from the agenda. This paper utilises primary and secondary data, legal and judicial texts, among others, to document how Cameroon’s parliament has responded to the multiple crises that have impacted the country over the past decades.
{"title":"Cameroon: parliamentary (un)scrutiny amid multiple crises","authors":"Numvi Gwaibi","doi":"10.1080/20508840.2022.2093495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20508840.2022.2093495","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Cameroon’s parliament is constitutionally mandated to perform multiple functions, including the power to make laws. Like most legislatures, parliament is also empowered to perform familiar representative functions during the unfamiliar abnormal context of a crisis. However, parliament’s competence in the legislative domain is severely restricted by the President, who is neither accountable to the Prime Minister nor the legislature. The executive further dominates the legislative agenda by controlling the admissibility criteria of bills in parliament, which gives pride of place to that introduced by the President. Following the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, the government, in line with WHO recommendations, developed a response plan and also rolled out a solidarity fund of One billion francs CFA. Following persistent allegations of mismanagement of Covid-19 funds, and the leaking of an audit report that alleged massive embezzlement of public funds, Cameroon’s parliament summoned the Minister of Finance to account for the financial misappropriations. However, 24 hours to the session dedicated for this exercise, the item disappeared from the agenda. This paper utilises primary and secondary data, legal and judicial texts, among others, to document how Cameroon’s parliament has responded to the multiple crises that have impacted the country over the past decades.","PeriodicalId":42455,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Practice of Legislation","volume":"10 1","pages":"147 - 164"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43671950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2022.2107825
Adewale V Aderemi, O. Akanji
ABSTRACT Social emergencies of different kinds are common in Africa. Violent protests and secessionist agitations, terrorism and insurgencies, coups and conflicts, climate change and droughts, conflict and climate-induced internal displacement, drug/human trafficking, and lately the Covid-19 pandemic have ravaged the continent. This has raised the question of how African legislatures deal with crises; how they perform their statutory functions during crises, and the issues that shape their operation during such times. This editorial introduces the special edition on ‘African Legislatures in Social Emergencies: Challenges and Outcomes’ and provides an overview of its collection of interesting articles.
{"title":"African legislatures in social emergencies: challenges and outcomes","authors":"Adewale V Aderemi, O. Akanji","doi":"10.1080/20508840.2022.2107825","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20508840.2022.2107825","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Social emergencies of different kinds are common in Africa. Violent protests and secessionist agitations, terrorism and insurgencies, coups and conflicts, climate change and droughts, conflict and climate-induced internal displacement, drug/human trafficking, and lately the Covid-19 pandemic have ravaged the continent. This has raised the question of how African legislatures deal with crises; how they perform their statutory functions during crises, and the issues that shape their operation during such times. This editorial introduces the special edition on ‘African Legislatures in Social Emergencies: Challenges and Outcomes’ and provides an overview of its collection of interesting articles.","PeriodicalId":42455,"journal":{"name":"Theory and Practice of Legislation","volume":"10 1","pages":"113 - 116"},"PeriodicalIF":4.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47901230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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