Abstract The paper analyzes the Digital Economy and Society Index (DESI), which characterizes the development of digital economy. Based on the data of 28 European countries for 2013–2018, using the panel regression, we studied the influence of the consumption index growth by the purchasing power parity and unemployment among the active population on the structural units of DESI. It is shown that a 1% increase in the consumption index results in about 0.2 increase in the DESI, and an increase in unemployment by 1% leads to about 0.2 DESI decline. It is also shown that the 98% value of DESI is actually determined by its previous trends, and therefore it is impossible to increase this index rapidly. Some reflections and conclusions are made on the perspective of the developing states, i.e., Ukraine, that is not yet assessed in DESI ranking.
{"title":"The Analysis of the Digital Economy and Society Index in the EU","authors":"A. Stavytskyy, G. Kharlamova, E. Stoica","doi":"10.1515/bjes-2019-0032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0032","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper analyzes the Digital Economy and Society Index (DESI), which characterizes the development of digital economy. Based on the data of 28 European countries for 2013–2018, using the panel regression, we studied the influence of the consumption index growth by the purchasing power parity and unemployment among the active population on the structural units of DESI. It is shown that a 1% increase in the consumption index results in about 0.2 increase in the DESI, and an increase in unemployment by 1% leads to about 0.2 DESI decline. It is also shown that the 98% value of DESI is actually determined by its previous trends, and therefore it is impossible to increase this index rapidly. Some reflections and conclusions are made on the perspective of the developing states, i.e., Ukraine, that is not yet assessed in DESI ranking.","PeriodicalId":42700,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of European Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"245 - 261"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41809372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In the context of the Ukrainian crisis, the Law ‘On the specifics of state policy to ensure the state sovereignty of Ukraine in the temporarily occupied territories in Donetsk and Lugansk regions’, which is also called the ‘Law on De-occupation (or Reintegration) of Donbas’, became the key point. After four years of occupation of parts of southeastern Ukraine, the adoption of such a law was necessary, since this particular law formed and legally established the legal and organizational conditions for the resumption of territorial integrity of Ukraine. The importance of this law and the consequences of its adoption caused public involvement on behalf of civic organizations, political analysts, representatives of the academic and economic elite in the process of its discussion. However, due to the small amount of time from the stage of the legislative initiative to the publication of the law, it was not officially discussed by the public. Despite this, the enactment of the law led to an active public debate. Our study is aimed to investigate the degree of public involvement in the political decision-making process and the extent of public influence on lawmaking in Ukraine on the example of this legislative act.
{"title":"Public Influence on Legislative Process in the Problem of De-occupation of Donbas","authors":"Olena Gilchenco, Yu. Konstantinova, N. Pashina","doi":"10.1515/bjes-2019-0031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0031","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the context of the Ukrainian crisis, the Law ‘On the specifics of state policy to ensure the state sovereignty of Ukraine in the temporarily occupied territories in Donetsk and Lugansk regions’, which is also called the ‘Law on De-occupation (or Reintegration) of Donbas’, became the key point. After four years of occupation of parts of southeastern Ukraine, the adoption of such a law was necessary, since this particular law formed and legally established the legal and organizational conditions for the resumption of territorial integrity of Ukraine. The importance of this law and the consequences of its adoption caused public involvement on behalf of civic organizations, political analysts, representatives of the academic and economic elite in the process of its discussion. However, due to the small amount of time from the stage of the legislative initiative to the publication of the law, it was not officially discussed by the public. Despite this, the enactment of the law led to an active public debate. Our study is aimed to investigate the degree of public involvement in the political decision-making process and the extent of public influence on lawmaking in Ukraine on the example of this legislative act.","PeriodicalId":42700,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of European Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"224 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46250296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper argues that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a de-bordering mechanism makes a positive contribution to border security. Three central concepts—de-bordering, re-bordering and co-bordering—are used to examine the future of borders, and further develop the notion of the “cycle” of borders. This research adopts a political science perspective and combines the theory of borders with the Copenhagen School and Paris School of security, bearing in mind the BRI as an access strategy. Furthermore, the BRI elements of connectivity are central to de-bordering. Finally, this paper maintains that the BRI makes different contributions to border security, that borders are “alive”, and that they are the result of cooperative or antagonistic human interactions in which asymmetry in perception is the leading cause of conflict.
{"title":"The Mesmerizing Journey from Gyeongju to Lisbon: The BRI as a Mechanism of De-bordering, Re-bordering, and Co-bordering","authors":"F. Leandro","doi":"10.1515/bjes-2019-0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0017","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper argues that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a de-bordering mechanism makes a positive contribution to border security. Three central concepts—de-bordering, re-bordering and co-bordering—are used to examine the future of borders, and further develop the notion of the “cycle” of borders. This research adopts a political science perspective and combines the theory of borders with the Copenhagen School and Paris School of security, bearing in mind the BRI as an access strategy. Furthermore, the BRI elements of connectivity are central to de-bordering. Finally, this paper maintains that the BRI makes different contributions to border security, that borders are “alive”, and that they are the result of cooperative or antagonistic human interactions in which asymmetry in perception is the leading cause of conflict.","PeriodicalId":42700,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of European Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"123 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67273436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Freedom of expression is one of the prerequisites for the formation and existence of a democratic society; it belongs among the universal values of paramount importance, because it allows not only to freely express own views, but also reveal the potential of the individual. In addition, it is considered (and it is justified) as one of the main and unconditional achievements of the political reform that is being carried out in Ukraine. The guarantee of freedom of expression, which has the highest political normative content, is, on the one hand, the most important asset of an organic constitution, and on the other hand, serves as the main function of the constitution as a legal source that reflects and responds to the interests of civil society. However, the real challenge for the unsustainable constitutional tradition that still retains some signs of the post-Soviet model of regulation is the need to balance freedom of expression under the conditions of threats to national security. What should be the proper mechanism for guaranteeing freedom of expression at the constitutional level? How strong is the danger that the state violates the requirement of constitutionality in the case of restrictions on freedom of expression for the sake of national security? How does the post-Soviet tradition of legal regulation manifest itself in deciding which model of guaranteeing freedom of expression is chosen by the state? What is the role of the tradition of respect for personal autonomy and the value of tolerance of a society in guaranteeing freedom of expression? The article is devoted to finding answers to these questions.
{"title":"Freedom of Expression in Ukraine: (Non)sustainable Constitutional Tradition","authors":"T. Slinko, O. Uvarova","doi":"10.1515/bjes-2019-0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0020","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Freedom of expression is one of the prerequisites for the formation and existence of a democratic society; it belongs among the universal values of paramount importance, because it allows not only to freely express own views, but also reveal the potential of the individual. In addition, it is considered (and it is justified) as one of the main and unconditional achievements of the political reform that is being carried out in Ukraine. The guarantee of freedom of expression, which has the highest political normative content, is, on the one hand, the most important asset of an organic constitution, and on the other hand, serves as the main function of the constitution as a legal source that reflects and responds to the interests of civil society. However, the real challenge for the unsustainable constitutional tradition that still retains some signs of the post-Soviet model of regulation is the need to balance freedom of expression under the conditions of threats to national security. What should be the proper mechanism for guaranteeing freedom of expression at the constitutional level? How strong is the danger that the state violates the requirement of constitutionality in the case of restrictions on freedom of expression for the sake of national security? How does the post-Soviet tradition of legal regulation manifest itself in deciding which model of guaranteeing freedom of expression is chosen by the state? What is the role of the tradition of respect for personal autonomy and the value of tolerance of a society in guaranteeing freedom of expression? The article is devoted to finding answers to these questions.","PeriodicalId":42700,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of European Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"25 - 42"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44731459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article is devoted to the experience of the application of a concept of militant democracy in modern Ukraine. This concept is relevant due to the prolonged domination of the communist totalitarian regime until 1991, and also in view of the encroachment on the principle of territorial integrity in 2014. It is argued that Ukraine, formally consolidating separate instruments of militant democracy at the level of the Constitution of Ukraine, almost did not apply such instruments until 2014. The active process of decommunization started in 2014, after the Revolution of Dignity; it was realised, in particular, in the declaration of lustration, as well as the banning of the two communist parties, but the most influential Communist Party remains officially not banned up till now. Also, the two parties, accused of infringement on territorial integrity, were banned in 2014. The issue of differentiation between aggressive words and aggressive actions of parties is analysed. It is argued that representatives of the parties, who during the twenty years of Ukrainian independence openly denied one of the key values of the constitutional order of Ukraine, its territorial integrity, became active participants of the temporary occupation.
{"title":"Freedom of Speech under Militant Democracy: The History of Struggle against Separatism and Communism in Ukraine","authors":"Y. Barabash, Hryhorii Berchenko","doi":"10.1515/bjes-2019-0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0019","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article is devoted to the experience of the application of a concept of militant democracy in modern Ukraine. This concept is relevant due to the prolonged domination of the communist totalitarian regime until 1991, and also in view of the encroachment on the principle of territorial integrity in 2014. It is argued that Ukraine, formally consolidating separate instruments of militant democracy at the level of the Constitution of Ukraine, almost did not apply such instruments until 2014. The active process of decommunization started in 2014, after the Revolution of Dignity; it was realised, in particular, in the declaration of lustration, as well as the banning of the two communist parties, but the most influential Communist Party remains officially not banned up till now. Also, the two parties, accused of infringement on territorial integrity, were banned in 2014. The issue of differentiation between aggressive words and aggressive actions of parties is analysed. It is argued that representatives of the parties, who during the twenty years of Ukrainian independence openly denied one of the key values of the constitutional order of Ukraine, its territorial integrity, became active participants of the temporary occupation.","PeriodicalId":42700,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of European Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"24 - 3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48097074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Russian Federation has a wide arsenal of tools at its disposal for conducting information warfare to achieve its strategic objectives in the ongoing status conflict with the West. The active exploitation of conspiracy theories has thrived since pro-Kremlin forces started armed conflict against Ukraine in 2013–2014. This article focuses on the crash of Flight MH17, widely used by the Russian media to fabricate various conspiracy theories which make out that the West and Ukraine are responsible for the disaster. This study examines several Russian outlets and TV channels and concludes that the Russian media often used falsified stories and emotional rhetoric in narratives they spread about the crash of Flight MH17. The narratives used to create these conspiracy theories claim that the incident was a Western provocation attempting to generate hostility towards Russia. In disseminating these kinds of conspiracy theories, the pro-Kremlin media created distrust against the West and the Ukrainian government among a larger audience and produced discomfort and disorientation about Western and Ukrainian news.
{"title":"The Impact of Russian Anti-Western Conspiracy Theories on the Status-Related Conflict in Ukraine: The Case of Flight MH17","authors":"H. Mölder, V. Sazonov","doi":"10.1515/bjes-2019-0024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0024","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Russian Federation has a wide arsenal of tools at its disposal for conducting information warfare to achieve its strategic objectives in the ongoing status conflict with the West. The active exploitation of conspiracy theories has thrived since pro-Kremlin forces started armed conflict against Ukraine in 2013–2014. This article focuses on the crash of Flight MH17, widely used by the Russian media to fabricate various conspiracy theories which make out that the West and Ukraine are responsible for the disaster. This study examines several Russian outlets and TV channels and concludes that the Russian media often used falsified stories and emotional rhetoric in narratives they spread about the crash of Flight MH17. The narratives used to create these conspiracy theories claim that the incident was a Western provocation attempting to generate hostility towards Russia. In disseminating these kinds of conspiracy theories, the pro-Kremlin media created distrust against the West and the Ukrainian government among a larger audience and produced discomfort and disorientation about Western and Ukrainian news.","PeriodicalId":42700,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of European Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"115 - 96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41510085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The European Convention on Human Rights and the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights have a significant impact not only on national legal order but also on international criminal courts. The article is dedicated to analyzing that impact in the context of the right to legal assistance. We ascertain the purpose of the establishment of international criminal courts, the specificity of the right to legal assistance in the European system of human rights protection, the impact of the European Convention on Human Rights on the drafting of statutes of the international criminal courts and influence of the European Convention on Human Rights and case-law of the European Court of Human Rights on the interpretation of the right to legal assistance in the international criminal courts. Also the primacy of the right to legal assistance is proved, which is provided in the ECHR to the statutes of international criminal courts. At the same time, the international criminal courts, taking into account the purpose of their establishment and jurisdiction, give additional guarantees of the right to legal assistance.
{"title":"The Impact of ECHR and the Case-Law of the ECtHR on the Development of the Right to Legal Assistance in International Criminal Courts (ICTY, ICTR, ICC)","authors":"Mykhailo Buromenskyi, V. Gutnyk","doi":"10.1515/bjes-2019-0029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0029","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The European Convention on Human Rights and the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights have a significant impact not only on national legal order but also on international criminal courts. The article is dedicated to analyzing that impact in the context of the right to legal assistance. We ascertain the purpose of the establishment of international criminal courts, the specificity of the right to legal assistance in the European system of human rights protection, the impact of the European Convention on Human Rights on the drafting of statutes of the international criminal courts and influence of the European Convention on Human Rights and case-law of the European Court of Human Rights on the interpretation of the right to legal assistance in the international criminal courts. Also the primacy of the right to legal assistance is proved, which is provided in the ECHR to the statutes of international criminal courts. At the same time, the international criminal courts, taking into account the purpose of their establishment and jurisdiction, give additional guarantees of the right to legal assistance.","PeriodicalId":42700,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of European Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"188 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44482112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The rise of China has aroused heated debates on whether the country would become the “revisionist” power in challenging the supreme position of the “status quo” power, the United States. This paper aims to examine whether the rise of China would, firstly, empower Beijing to solve the long-term crisis in the Korean Peninsula, and secondly, complicates the picture in solving the difficult historical and political issues in Sino-Japanese relations. It is argued that the increasing economic and military capabilities of China are not instrumental in fostering significant changes within North Korea and in monitoring the external behavior of its leaders. A more nationalistic China which lacks soft power also hinders a favorable solution to the challenges of Sino-Japanese relations.
{"title":"The Rise of China and Its Implications to Northeast Asia","authors":"Wai Ting","doi":"10.1515/bjes-2019-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The rise of China has aroused heated debates on whether the country would become the “revisionist” power in challenging the supreme position of the “status quo” power, the United States. This paper aims to examine whether the rise of China would, firstly, empower Beijing to solve the long-term crisis in the Korean Peninsula, and secondly, complicates the picture in solving the difficult historical and political issues in Sino-Japanese relations. It is argued that the increasing economic and military capabilities of China are not instrumental in fostering significant changes within North Korea and in monitoring the external behavior of its leaders. A more nationalistic China which lacks soft power also hinders a favorable solution to the challenges of Sino-Japanese relations.","PeriodicalId":42700,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of European Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"75 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44763816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article attempts to examine the relationship between Taiwan, a de facto political entity, and the People’s Republic of China (Mainland China) since 1949, the landmark year when the then ruling party KMT (The Nationalist Party) was defeated by the CCP (Chinese Communist Party) in the Mainland. Essentially, the narrative is focused on the government policies by the two respective political entities. The PRC pledged to unify Taiwan again and subsequently its unification policies are delineated. A two-stage schema is proposed for the analysis, albeit the second stage can be further divided into three phases. As for Taiwan, a five-stage categorization is proposed. Moreover, three sets of factors influencing the cross-Strait relations would be discussed, namely the power dynamics within the PRC, internal development inside Taiwan and the role of the USA. Finally, the implications of the coming of Trump era are outlined.
{"title":"Independence or Reunification? The Evolving PRC–Taiwan Relations","authors":"Y. Wong","doi":"10.1515/bjes-2019-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article attempts to examine the relationship between Taiwan, a de facto political entity, and the People’s Republic of China (Mainland China) since 1949, the landmark year when the then ruling party KMT (The Nationalist Party) was defeated by the CCP (Chinese Communist Party) in the Mainland. Essentially, the narrative is focused on the government policies by the two respective political entities. The PRC pledged to unify Taiwan again and subsequently its unification policies are delineated. A two-stage schema is proposed for the analysis, albeit the second stage can be further divided into three phases. As for Taiwan, a five-stage categorization is proposed. Moreover, three sets of factors influencing the cross-Strait relations would be discussed, namely the power dynamics within the PRC, internal development inside Taiwan and the role of the USA. Finally, the implications of the coming of Trump era are outlined.","PeriodicalId":42700,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of European Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"122 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43762727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In democratic countries, attention is devoted to the issue of freedom of speech and freedom of expression and the role of public authorities during elections. Today, freedom of speech and freedom of expression are guaranteed at both the international and national levels. The international community has created a significant number of international agreements and acts of “soft law” on standards of freedom of expression. In particular, the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters establishes as the first general condition for democratic elections the respect for fundamental human rights, and particularly freedom of expression, assembly and association, without which there can be no true democracy. On the one hand, the problem of ensuring freedom of expression during elections is caused by the wider limits of permissible criticism of candidates and the importance of coverage of the election process. On the other hand, it is caused by restrictions on the conduct of election campaigning and the necessity to provide equal access to the media for the subjects of the electoral process. In this context, it is important to find a balance between the right to free elections, freedom of speech and other rights, freedoms and interests of the subjects of the electoral process. This article researches the modern problems of national legal guarantee of the freedom of speech and the freedom of expression and international electoral standards on the protection of freedom of speech and freedom of expression in the electoral process.
{"title":"Towards a Legal Framework That Protects Freedom of Expression in Electoral Processes","authors":"B. Mokhonchuk, Pavlo Romaniuk","doi":"10.1515/bjes-2019-0021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0021","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In democratic countries, attention is devoted to the issue of freedom of speech and freedom of expression and the role of public authorities during elections. Today, freedom of speech and freedom of expression are guaranteed at both the international and national levels. The international community has created a significant number of international agreements and acts of “soft law” on standards of freedom of expression. In particular, the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters establishes as the first general condition for democratic elections the respect for fundamental human rights, and particularly freedom of expression, assembly and association, without which there can be no true democracy. On the one hand, the problem of ensuring freedom of expression during elections is caused by the wider limits of permissible criticism of candidates and the importance of coverage of the election process. On the other hand, it is caused by restrictions on the conduct of election campaigning and the necessity to provide equal access to the media for the subjects of the electoral process. In this context, it is important to find a balance between the right to free elections, freedom of speech and other rights, freedoms and interests of the subjects of the electoral process. This article researches the modern problems of national legal guarantee of the freedom of speech and the freedom of expression and international electoral standards on the protection of freedom of speech and freedom of expression in the electoral process.","PeriodicalId":42700,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of European Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"43 - 62"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46795285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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