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Global auto industry and product standards 全球汽车行业和产品标准
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-02-24 DOI: 10.1108/jitlp-10-2019-0063
D. Chakraborty, J. Chaisse, Shameek Pahari
This paper aims to analyze whether the domestic policy reforms in India would suffice, or there is a need to conform to stricter international standards as well. The paper is arranged along the following lines. First, the paper offers a brief review of the cooperation in the field of harmonization of vehicle regulations which is provided by the so-called WP.29 Forum. Second, the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) standards and their membership along with Indian participation in the forum are presented. Third, reforms in India through the “Make in India” (MII) initiative and its trade in the auto-component segment are analyzed. Fourth, the possible non-tariff barriers (NTBs) on imports of auto-components in select partner countries is computed and presented. Fifth, the penetration pattern of partner countries in India’s automotive sector export value chain is analyzed. Finally, based on the observations, key policy conclusions are drawn both from global and Indian perspectives.,This paper blends expertise in law and economics and enables readers to have a finer understanding of the automotive sector which is one of the most internationalized product groups in world trade, characterized by not only cross-border movement of final products, but also of intermediate products like auto-parts and components as well as major global investment and relocation decisions. This paper focuses on India for four crucial reasons, which makes India both a key player (and potential disruptor) at global level and the rather complex approach chosen by the country vis-a-vis many regulations (including UNECE and WTO), reflecting its tendency to rely on domestic consolidation through measures such as the 2014 MII initiative.,The data analysis in the current paper indicates that after conforming to the UNECE 1998 standard, India’s relative trade with these countries has increased both in terms of auto-components and automobile products. Moreover, the value contribution from these partner countries in India’s exports is rising. On the other hand, the relative share of the UNECE 1958 countries in India’s trade basket has declined and a mixed trend is noticed for the common contracting parties (CPs). In addition, the share of the countries without accession to any of the UNECE agreements in India’s trade has shown an upward trend. The observation indicates that the divergence in automotive product standards might crucially influence India’s trade flows. It seems that in the short run, an orientation for exporting to UNECE 1998 partners and non-members emerges as a dominant strategy, underlining a specialization in medium-quality segment. Nevertheless, the long-term robustness of such a move deserves closer analysis, particularly by focusing on whether India may need to join the UNECE 1958 agreement to sustain its export growth. Before joining UNECE 1998, the sector has enjoyed protection through high tariff barriers. Given the differing perspective on ope
本文旨在分析印度的国内政策改革是否足够,或者是否有必要遵守更严格的国际标准。这篇论文按以下几行排列。首先,本文简要回顾了所谓的WP.29论坛在统一车辆法规领域的合作。其次,介绍了联合国欧洲经济委员会(UNECE)的标准及其成员以及印度人参加论坛的情况。第三,分析了印度通过“印度制造”倡议进行的改革及其在汽车零部件领域的贸易。第四,计算并介绍了选定伙伴国家对汽车零部件进口可能存在的非关税壁垒。第五,分析了伙伴国在印度汽车行业出口价值链中的渗透模式。最后,根据观察结果,从全球和印度的角度得出了关键的政策结论。,本文融合了法律和经济学方面的专业知识,使读者能够更好地了解汽车行业。汽车行业是世界贸易中国际化程度最高的产品集团之一,其特点不仅是最终产品的跨境流动,还包括汽车零部件等中间产品的跨境转移,以及重大的全球投资和搬迁决策。本文关注印度有四个关键原因,这使印度既是全球层面的关键参与者(也是潜在的颠覆者),也是该国在许多法规(包括UNECE和WTO)中选择的相当复杂的方法,反映出其倾向于通过2014年MII倡议等措施进行国内整合。,本文的数据分析表明,在符合UNECE 1998标准后,印度与这些国家的相对贸易在汽车零部件和汽车产品方面都有所增加。此外,这些伙伴国家对印度出口的价值贡献正在上升。另一方面,UNECE 1958国家在印度贸易篮子中的相对份额有所下降,共同缔约方的趋势喜忧参半。此外,未加入任何联合国欧洲经委会协定的国家在印度贸易中所占份额呈上升趋势。观察结果表明,汽车产品标准的差异可能会对印度的贸易流产生重大影响。从短期来看,向1998年欧洲经委会合作伙伴和非成员国出口的方向似乎成为一项主导战略,强调中等质量部门的专业化。尽管如此,这一举措的长期稳健性值得仔细分析,特别是关注印度是否需要加入1958年联合国欧洲经济委员会的协议来维持其出口增长。在1998年加入联合国欧洲经济委员会之前,该行业一直通过高关税壁垒获得保护。鉴于对开放的不同看法,汽车行业早些时候成为了自2007年以来谈判达成的《欧印双边贸易和投资协定》(BTIA)的障碍。然而,在加入区域贸易协定后,关税优惠本身可能无法为一个国家提供必要的市场准入。印度自2010年以来一直在深化与东盟的贸易一体化,最近在东盟进行的标准制定工作可以被视为一个恰当的例子。,到目前为止的分析表明,没有参与UNECE 1958标准可能会限制印度未来的选择。目前,印度汽车出口正到达1998年联合国欧洲经济委员会成员国(例如,福特印度向美国出口Ecosport)。它还针对非洲和拉丁美洲国家,目前尚未成为任何协议的一部分。然而,东盟国家目前正通过自由贸易协定(FTA)与印度合作,越来越多地向UNECE 1958标准迈进。2009-2013年至2014-2018年,印度对东盟国家的部门贸易顺差分别从54844万美元降至52953万美元。联系东盟和其他UNECE 1958成员国的潜在挑战反过来可能会影响全球汽车巨头在印度的搬迁决定,从而违背MII倡议的核心目的。,在这种情况下,印度出现了许多政策选择。首先,加入1958年联合国欧洲经济委员会对印度来说可能不是一个短期的选择,但在评估了不断演变的贸易模式后,从长远来看,该国可能会考虑采用符合其经济利益的1958年某些核心标准。这一举措可能会促进印度向1958年联合国欧洲经济委员会国家的更多出口流动。在这方面,印度尼西亚和越南的经验值得一提,尽管它们没有正式成为任何协议的一部分,但它们都符合UNECE 1958标准。 其次,据观察,尽管通过现有贸易集团获得了关税优惠,但几个区域全面经济伙伴关系(RCEP)成员国的印度贸易平衡并没有改善。表现不佳的部分原因是印度出口商经常使用最惠国路线而不是优惠路线,以避免与合规相关的复杂性。与其他以东盟为中心的双边区域贸易协定与其他RCEP成员国的可比条款相比,东盟-印度自由贸易协定中的标准和相互承认协定一致性条款也较弱。这突出了原产地规则改革和MRA协议的必要性,这可能会增强总体贸易潜力,尤其是汽车行业的贸易潜力。因此,从短期来看,鉴于标准的共同性,印度应努力增加对1998年欧洲经委会成员国和CP的出口。然而,从长远来看,有必要探索与1958年某些核心标准的协调,以促进总体出口,甚至在其区域贸易协定范围内。,汽车行业是世界贸易中国际化程度最高的产品集团之一。众所周知,与伙伴国统一产品标准可以促进双边贸易流动。目前,在联合国欧洲经委会(UNECE)的支持下,有三项关于乘客和车辆安全的汽车标准统一的协议——1958年联合国欧洲经济委员会、1997年联合国非洲经济委员会和1998年联合国经济委员会。通过一系列改革和2014年MII倡议的启动,印度加深了其在世界汽车行业贸易中的影响力,并渴望在未来几天发挥更大的作用。此外,印度是世贸组织成员,并于2006年加入了UNECE 1998标准,这意味着若干重要公约对该国进行了规范和约束。目前的论文旨在分析印度的国内政策改革是否足以促进该行业的出口,或者是否有必要遵守更严格的国际标准。数据分析显示,印度对1998年欧洲经委会成员国和未加入任何欧洲经委会协定的国家的相对贸易取向正在加深。另一方面,UNECE 1958国家在印度贸易篮子中的相对贸易份额有所下降,注意到共同消费品的趋势喜忧参半。分析表明,汽车产品标准的差异可能会对印度的总体贸易流动,尤其是对国际生产网络的参与产生重大影响。该论文认为,从长远来看,印度需要考虑遵守某些UNECE 1958标准,并加快悬而未决的国内改革。
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引用次数: 5
Are US antidumping cases being crowded out by other forms of protectionism? 美国的反倾销案件是否正被其他形式的保护主义所排挤?
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1108/jitlp-09-2019-0060
Prashant Desai, Robert M. Feinberg
PurposeThe issue of substitutability between various modes of import protection has been studied by economists in various ways. Since President Donald Trump came into office and soon started imposing tariffs, the need by US firms to file antidumping (AD) cases would seem to have been reduced. This study aims to examine whether such a reduction in AD cases has occurred.Design/methodology/approachQuarterly US AD filings via a negative binomial regression analysis are explained. Patterns based on data from 1995 through 2016 are obtained first and then predict US AD petitions for 2017 and 2018.FindingsThe authors reject a hypothesis of substitution away from AD in the Trump era of general protectionism but do find some support for the notion that protection moves downstream, with greater than predicted AD filings in downstream metals sectors.Originality/valueThis is the first study to examine the possibility of trade policy substitutability in the Trump era.
目的经济学家对各种进口保护模式之间的可替代性问题进行了不同的研究。自从唐纳德·特朗普总统上任并很快开始征收关税以来,美国公司提起反倾销案件的需求似乎已经减少。本研究旨在检验AD病例是否出现了这种减少。设计/方法/方法通过负二项回归分析解释了季度美国AD申请。首先获得了基于1995年至2016年数据的模式,然后预测了2017年和2018年美国的AD申请。结果作者拒绝接受在特朗普时代普遍保护主义时期取代AD的假设,但确实发现保护向下游转移的观点得到了一些支持,下游金属行业的AD申请比预测的要多。原创性/价值这是第一项研究特朗普时代贸易政策可替代性的可能性。
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引用次数: 1
Paradigm shift; the emergence of arbitral forum shopping in CPEC investment disputes 范式转变;在中巴经济走廊投资纠纷中出现的仲裁论坛购物现象
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-15 DOI: 10.1108/jitlp-05-2019-0022
Rao Qasim Idrees, R. Shapiee, Haniff Ahamat
The phenomena of arbitral forum shopping to resolve a commercial investment dispute is still under development and more complicated in many states. However, for Pakistan, it seems in an evolutionary phase, where the country is struggling hard to adopt the best practice of dispute resolution through forum shopping clauses. This struggle is even more inflated with huge Chinese investment through China Pakistan economic corridor (CPEC) projects in Pakistan, which come alongside with commercial investment disputes. For this purpose, the current treaty or contract-based system between China and Pakistan and litigation based domestic civil court structure look obsolete, hence, appear to require reinstatement of forum shopping clauses under concerned treaties or contracts for CPEC investment-related issues.,The authors choose a legal research method. The research design is a comparative analysis between CPEC contracts and dispute resolution mechanism between China and Pakistan and also the domestic civil court’s litigation system. This analysis selected by the authors due to inefficient bilateral investment arrangements and efficient resolution of future commercial disputes in CPEC. While the international arbitration system is included in the assessment were particular in the time and space context. The comparison comprises on dispute resolution clauses in free trade agreement (FTA) and bilateral investment treaties (BIT) between China and Pakistan and the system of resolving disputes by CPEC clauses.,The authors finds that in the absence of CPEC forum shopping clause under dispute resolution system, Pakistan is highly at risk to lose foreign investors, and therefore, set back the goal of long term economic sustainability in the region. However, China has already made its investment policies safer with establishing three international commercial courts (also referred to as Belt and Road courts), one in Xi’an for the land-based Silk Road Economic Belt, one in Shenzhen for the Maritime Silk Road and one in Beijing that will serve as the headquarters. These courts will be offering litigation, arbitration and mediation services. According to one view, China aims to have all belt and road initiative (BRI) disputes resolved by these courts. This makes Pakistan position more awkward and needs proactive measures, as CPEC investment is based on Pakistan foreign direct investment policies and legal structure. Therefore, it will be complicated and less favourable for Pakistan to deal with such cases under Chinese Courts.,The paper’s primary contribution is finding that comprehensive analysis of alternative dispute resolution mechanism between China and Pakistan over CPEC investment is inevitable. A socio-legal research combine with an examination of Singapore International Commercial Court functions and mechanism and CPEC plans further contributes to ascertain the best model of the settlement of commercial disputes under investments in Pakistan. This research pap
商事投资纠纷的仲裁选择现象在许多国家仍处于发展阶段,且较为复杂。然而,对于巴基斯坦来说,它似乎处于一个进化阶段,该国正在努力采用通过论坛购物条款解决争端的最佳做法。随着中国通过中巴经济走廊(CPEC)项目在巴基斯坦进行的巨额投资,伴随着商业投资纠纷,这种斗争更加膨胀。为此,中国和巴基斯坦之间目前基于条约或合同的制度以及基于诉讼的国内民事法院结构看起来已经过时,因此,似乎需要在中巴经济走廊投资相关问题的相关条约或合同下恢复论坛购买条款。作者选择了法律研究方法。本研究设计是对中巴经济走廊合同和争议解决机制以及国内民事法院诉讼制度进行比较分析。作者之所以选择这一分析,是因为中巴经济走廊的双边投资安排效率低下,未来商业纠纷的解决效率低下。虽然国际仲裁制度是在评估中纳入的,但在时间和空间方面是特别的。比较包括中巴自由贸易协定和双边投资协定中的争端解决条款和中巴经济走廊条款解决争端的制度。研究发现,在中巴经济走廊争议解决机制下缺乏论坛购物条款的情况下,巴基斯坦极有可能失去外国投资者,从而阻碍了该地区长期经济可持续发展的目标。然而,中国已经通过建立三个国际商事法庭(也被称为“一带一路”法院)使其投资政策更加安全,一个在西安为陆上丝绸之路经济带,一个在深圳为海上丝绸之路,一个在北京作为总部。这些法院将提供诉讼、仲裁和调解服务。根据一种观点,中国的目标是让所有“一带一路”倡议(BRI)争议都由这些法院解决。这使得巴基斯坦的处境更加尴尬,需要采取积极措施,因为中巴经济走廊的投资是基于巴基斯坦的外国直接投资政策和法律结构。因此,巴基斯坦在中国法院处理此类案件将变得复杂和不利。本文的主要贡献在于发现,对中巴两国在中巴经济走廊投资问题上的替代性争端解决机制进行全面分析是不可避免的。社会法律研究结合对新加坡国际商事法庭职能和机制以及中巴经济走廊计划的审查,进一步有助于确定解决巴基斯坦投资下商业纠纷的最佳模式。这篇研究论文预测了巴基斯坦未来可能遇到的经济和法律问题。
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引用次数: 0
One Belt One Road: will it increase the gravity between China and Eurasia b一带一路:它会增加中国与欧亚大陆之间的引力吗
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-15 DOI: 10.1108/jitlp-06-2019-0037
Nida Rahman, M. N. Rahman
Globalisation has remained a subjective term as the magnitude unfolded. Every new decade witnesses new opportunities for global integration of the economies. One among such initiatives, it is argued, is the One Belt One Road initiative of the People’s Republic of China. It is assumed to be beneficial for the world and at least for the region, if not to say more. The world has witnessed efforts and trends of protectionism as well, but China comes up with new vigour. One Belt One Road has entered into consistent talks and deliberations at the world level. It is therefore imperative to identify the emerging linkages between the participant countries in One Belt One Road. This study aims to take up the task of enquiring about the effect of One Belt One Road on the gravity between China and the nations of Eurasia. This study looks for the realisation of the expected economic ties and internationalisation emerging from One Belt One Road and the evidence for the same. This will be identified in the present study. The paper also attempts to theorise a model for One Belt One Road.,This study takes up the task of enquiring about the effect of One Belt One Road on the gravity between China and the nations of Eurasia. The hypothesised economic ties and internationalisation will be a reality or not. And what are the evidences for the same. This will be identified in the proposed study. An attempt to theorise the model for One Belt One Road is also taken.,It is perceived that the mega project would fill the wedge between China and Eurasia and convergence will follow with the start of the One Belt One Road.,The emergence of China in the global world order as the initiator of mega deals and projects and its dominion in every realm of economic activity is a topic of scrutiny for the entire world. In this context, the One Belt One Road initiative offers huge potential for exploration. As the project is in its early stages of planning and execution, its prospects of tying entire Europe and Russia with China through two of the revived ancient routes are essential to the entire world.
随着全球化规模的扩大,全球化仍然是一个主观术语。每一个新的十年都是全球经济一体化的新机遇。有人认为,这类倡议之一就是中华人民共和国的一带一路倡议。如果不说更多的话,它被认为对世界,至少对该地区是有益的。世界上也有保护主义的努力和趋势,但中国却焕发出新的活力。bb0在世界一级进行了一贯的会谈和审议。因此,必须确定bb0参与国之间正在出现的联系。本研究旨在探讨b一带一路对中国与欧亚大陆国家之间重力的影响。本研究寻找b一带一路中出现的预期经济联系和国际化的实现及其证据。这将在本研究中确定。本文还试图建立b一带一路的理论模型。本研究的任务是探讨b一带一路对中国与欧亚大陆国家之间重力的影响。假设的经济联系和国际化是否会成为现实。证据又是什么呢?这将在拟议的研究中确定。本文还尝试对一带一路的模型进行了理论化。人们认为,这个大型项目将填补中国与欧亚大陆之间的楔子,随着bb0的启动,融合将随之而来。作为大型交易和项目的发起者,中国在全球世界秩序中的崛起及其在经济活动各个领域的统治地位,是整个世界审视的话题。在这种背景下,一带一路倡议提供了巨大的勘探潜力。由于该项目还处于规划和执行的早期阶段,它通过两条复兴的古路线将整个欧洲和俄罗斯与中国联系起来的前景对整个世界都至关重要。
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引用次数: 5
US–China trade war and the WTO dispute settlement mechanism 中美贸易战与WTO争端解决机制
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-15 DOI: 10.1108/JITLP-02-2019-0011
T. A. Adekola
The paper is prompted by the US–China trade war and its implications for the sustenance of the multilateral trading system. The two rivals resorted to “self-help” without recourse to the World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute settlement system, flouting the WTO as an adjudicator in trade disputes. This paper aims to analyze the drawbacks in the settlement system and examines the urgent need for a retroactive remedy.,This paper adopts desk-review and jurisprudential analysis of the relevant rulings of the WTO dispute settlement body. Using desk-review, primary sources such as the relevant domestic legislations invoked by the USA and China to trigger the trade war were discussed and critically analyzed.,This paper finds that the unilateral and protectionist actions that characterize the trade war can be linked to the loss of confidence in WTO remedies to redress members’ retroactive economic losses. This finding is useful in arguing for the incorporation of a retrospective monetary remedy to forestall the reoccurrence of a similar trade war and save the WTO from being dysfunctional.,Although, whether there should be retroactive remedies in the settlement system has been long debated, this paper makes a significant contribution by highlighting why the drawbacks in the settlement system have become so prominent in the context of this trade war. This paper strengthens the urgent need for WTO dispute settlement reform to prevent a reoccurrence of another global distortion of trade.
这篇论文是由美中贸易战及其对维持多边贸易体系的影响引发的。这两个竞争对手在没有诉诸世界贸易组织(WTO)争端解决体系的情况下诉诸“自助”,无视世贸组织作为贸易争端裁决者的地位。本文旨在分析和解制度的缺陷,并探讨追溯补救的迫切需要。,本文对WTO争端解决机构的相关裁决进行了案头审查和法理分析。通过案头审查,对美国和中国为引发贸易战而援引的相关国内立法等主要来源进行了讨论和批判性分析。,本文发现,贸易战中的单边和保护主义行动可能与对世贸组织补救措施失去信心有关,以弥补成员国的追溯经济损失。这一发现有助于主张纳入追溯性货币补救措施,以防止类似贸易战的再次发生,并使世贸组织免于功能失调。,尽管结算系统中是否应该有追溯补救措施一直存在争议,但本文通过强调为什么结算系统的缺陷在这场贸易战的背景下变得如此突出,做出了重大贡献。本文强调了世贸组织争端解决改革的迫切需要,以防止再次发生全球贸易扭曲。
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引用次数: 8
부당지원행위와 정상가격 不当资助行为与正常价格
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.36514/itl.2019..145.001
Sanghan Wang
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引用次数: 0
물품검사 및 부적합 통지요건의 운용원리와 실무적 가치 - CISG 중심으로 - 货物检查及不合格通知要件的运用原理和实务价值——以CISG为中心——
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-01 DOI: 10.36514/itl.2019..145.002
sun-ok kim
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引用次数: 0
WTO 분쟁해결기구 최신 동향 世贸组织争端解决机构最新动向
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-01 DOI: 10.36514/itl.2019..144.003
노유경
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引用次数: 0
일본의 수출규제와 우리의 대응 日本的出口限制和我们的应对
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-01 DOI: 10.36514/itl.2019..144.001
장지상
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引用次数: 0
Brexit and the EU–UK free trade agreement: dos and don’ts when drafting rules of origin 英国脱欧与欧盟-英国自由贸易协定:起草原产地规则时的注意事项
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-06-17 DOI: 10.1108/JITLP-11-2018-0053
Roberto Soprano
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to highlight the pros and cons of different models of the European Union (EU)-style Rules of Origin (RoO) that could be chosen by negotiators for a future UK–EU Free Trade Agreement (FTA). It will also underline the impact that any choice would have on economic operators and certain criteria that should be evaluated before taking any decisions on the adoption of RoO.Design/methodology/approachThe paper will describe three different RoO models that could be chosen by negotiators. For each of them, it analyses the pros and cons and the impact on economic operators.FindingsThe choice of a RoO would have an impact on future EU–UK trade relations. It will affect the utilization rate of the FTA as well as investment (and divestment) corporate strategies in the UK and EU.Originality/valueThe paper introduces different criteria to evaluate the impact of RoO that should be taken into consideration by negotiators. It emphasizes that RoO should be simple, predictable, coherent, IT compatible and easily adaptable.
本文的目的是强调欧盟(EU)式原产地规则(RoO)的不同模式的利弊,这些模式可以由谈判者为未来的英国-欧盟自由贸易协定(FTA)选择。它还将强调任何选择将对经济经营者产生的影响,以及在就采用RoO作出任何决定之前应评估的某些标准。设计/方法/方法本文将描述谈判者可以选择的三种不同的RoO模型。对于每一种方案,分析了利弊和对经济经营者的影响。结果表明,欧盟选择退出欧盟将对未来欧盟与英国的贸易关系产生影响。这将影响到自由贸易协定的利用率以及在英国和欧盟的投资(和撤资)企业战略。原创性/价值本文介绍了谈判者应该考虑的评估原创影响的不同标准。它强调RoO应该简单、可预测、连贯、It兼容和易于适应。
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引用次数: 1
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Journal of International Trade Law and Policy
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