This article considers the role of humor in the representation of Black people, particularly African Americans, in two of Macon, Georgia’s newspapers, the Georgia Telegraph and the Georgia Citizen, in the six years before the Civil War. As the minstrel show gained popularity in the South, newspaper jokes often took on its humor, thus perpetuating the racist tropes of Black people as ignorant and childlike. Importantly, the use of a perceived African American dialect underscored the negative attributes linked to these stereotypes.1 These jokes have been understudied by historians, especially in relation to minstrelsy, where studies have focused on the theater, lithographs
{"title":"Humor, Minstrelsy, and the Representation of African Americans in Macon's Georgia Telegraph and Georgia Citizen, 1855–1860","authors":"R. Narayan","doi":"10.1353/cwh.2022.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2022.0012","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers the role of humor in the representation of Black people, particularly African Americans, in two of Macon, Georgia’s newspapers, the Georgia Telegraph and the Georgia Citizen, in the six years before the Civil War. As the minstrel show gained popularity in the South, newspaper jokes often took on its humor, thus perpetuating the racist tropes of Black people as ignorant and childlike. Importantly, the use of a perceived African American dialect underscored the negative attributes linked to these stereotypes.1 These jokes have been understudied by historians, especially in relation to minstrelsy, where studies have focused on the theater, lithographs","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"39 1","pages":"147 - 163"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74871361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Arguing until Doomsday: Stephen Douglas, Jefferson Davis, and the Struggle for American Democracy by Michael E. Woods (review)","authors":"Evan C. Rothera","doi":"10.1353/cwh.2022.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2022.0017","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"12 1","pages":"212 - 213"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76037256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Women Making War: Female Confederate Prisoners and Union Military Justice by Thomas F. Curran (review)","authors":"Melissa Develvis","doi":"10.1353/cwh.2022.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2022.0018","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"390 1","pages":"213 - 215"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90041640","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Guest Editors' Overview","authors":"Sarah E. Gardner, J. Wells","doi":"10.1353/cwh.2022.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2022.0009","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"10 1","pages":"114 - 116"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88828718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Early in Theodore Winthrop’s posthumously published novel Cecil Dreeme (1861), the youthful protagonist, Robert Byng, breaks into his neighbor’s apartment at the behest of a concerned friend. There, he finds the occupant, Cecil Dreeme, slouching lifeless in his armchair. As he contemplates the young man’s face, he laments, “Whoever has lived knows that timely death is the great prize of life; who can regret when a worthy soul wins it? But this untimely perishing of a brother-man, alone and helpless in the dark and cold, was pure waste and ruin.”1 As it turns out, Dreeme was merely malnourished and faint; with a warm fire, some food, and conversation, Byng invigorates him. Readers would not have missed the irony that Theodore Winthrop, shot and killed by a rebel soldier at the Battle of Big Bethel, suffered the untimely death his novel’s protagonist feared. Nor did Ticknor & Fields miss the opportunity to print the novel, even though others had rejected it before war erupted.2 Instead, the book that was never meant to be published went through ten imprints in its first sixteen months on the market. By February 1865, eighteen editions had been printed, bringing the total copies sold since fall 1861 to 10,500 copies. Its
{"title":"\"The Gold of the Pen and the Steel of the Sword\": The Unlikely and Fleeting Celebrity of Theodore Winthrop","authors":"T. Williams","doi":"10.1353/cwh.2022.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2022.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Early in Theodore Winthrop’s posthumously published novel Cecil Dreeme (1861), the youthful protagonist, Robert Byng, breaks into his neighbor’s apartment at the behest of a concerned friend. There, he finds the occupant, Cecil Dreeme, slouching lifeless in his armchair. As he contemplates the young man’s face, he laments, “Whoever has lived knows that timely death is the great prize of life; who can regret when a worthy soul wins it? But this untimely perishing of a brother-man, alone and helpless in the dark and cold, was pure waste and ruin.”1 As it turns out, Dreeme was merely malnourished and faint; with a warm fire, some food, and conversation, Byng invigorates him. Readers would not have missed the irony that Theodore Winthrop, shot and killed by a rebel soldier at the Battle of Big Bethel, suffered the untimely death his novel’s protagonist feared. Nor did Ticknor & Fields miss the opportunity to print the novel, even though others had rejected it before war erupted.2 Instead, the book that was never meant to be published went through ten imprints in its first sixteen months on the market. By February 1865, eighteen editions had been printed, bringing the total copies sold since fall 1861 to 10,500 copies. Its","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"71 1","pages":"164 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83836112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The science of epidemiology has been front of mind for many during the COVID-19 global pandemic. Yet before the publication of Maladies of Empire: How Colonialism, Slavery, and War Transformed Medicine, the fascinating new book from historian Jim Downs, few recognized just how much the study of infectious disease has itself been attendant with the intertwined histories of slavery, colonialism, and war. Downs conclusively demonstrates how “ideas developed between 1756 and 1866 became codified into medical theories that contributed to the development of modern epidemiology” (4). The result is a sweeping global history that reveals the complicated foundations of modern medicine itself. Through a creative reading of sources, Downs expands the cast of characters deserving inclusion in the history of epidemiology. He explores Thomas Trotter’s 1786 account of scurvy victims aboard British slave ships to trace how medical ideas circulated “outside of the metropole” (26). Similarly, Downs appeals to volumes by Arthur Holroyd in 1839 and Gavin Milroy in 1846 reveal how arguments against quarantine practices drew on evidence from laundresses on the island of Malta and colonial subjects in the West Indies. In 1845, an outbreak of fever in the Cape Verde Islands eventually led Doctor James Ormiston McWilliams to interview over one hundred people of color, in the process creating “the most extensive surviving record from the nineteenth century of people of African descent describing in detail the onslaught of an epidemic in the Atlantic world” (53). As a result, McWilliams’s emphasis on interviews, Downs contends, became a “core epidemiological method” (62). The global span of the British Empire served to diffuse knowledge among physicians. For example, British naval surgeon James Henry investigated a cholera outbreak aboard ships in the Mediterranean Sea, enabled by a military and colonial bureaucracy. In Jamaica, Gavin Milroy reported in detail on an-
{"title":"Maladies of Empire: How Colonialism, Slavery, and War Transformed Medicine by Jim Downs (review)","authors":"Thomas J. Balcerski","doi":"10.1353/cwh.2022.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2022.0016","url":null,"abstract":"The science of epidemiology has been front of mind for many during the COVID-19 global pandemic. Yet before the publication of Maladies of Empire: How Colonialism, Slavery, and War Transformed Medicine, the fascinating new book from historian Jim Downs, few recognized just how much the study of infectious disease has itself been attendant with the intertwined histories of slavery, colonialism, and war. Downs conclusively demonstrates how “ideas developed between 1756 and 1866 became codified into medical theories that contributed to the development of modern epidemiology” (4). The result is a sweeping global history that reveals the complicated foundations of modern medicine itself. Through a creative reading of sources, Downs expands the cast of characters deserving inclusion in the history of epidemiology. He explores Thomas Trotter’s 1786 account of scurvy victims aboard British slave ships to trace how medical ideas circulated “outside of the metropole” (26). Similarly, Downs appeals to volumes by Arthur Holroyd in 1839 and Gavin Milroy in 1846 reveal how arguments against quarantine practices drew on evidence from laundresses on the island of Malta and colonial subjects in the West Indies. In 1845, an outbreak of fever in the Cape Verde Islands eventually led Doctor James Ormiston McWilliams to interview over one hundred people of color, in the process creating “the most extensive surviving record from the nineteenth century of people of African descent describing in detail the onslaught of an epidemic in the Atlantic world” (53). As a result, McWilliams’s emphasis on interviews, Downs contends, became a “core epidemiological method” (62). The global span of the British Empire served to diffuse knowledge among physicians. For example, British naval surgeon James Henry investigated a cholera outbreak aboard ships in the Mediterranean Sea, enabled by a military and colonial bureaucracy. In Jamaica, Gavin Milroy reported in detail on an-","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"28 1","pages":"210 - 211"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87454310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this essay is to counter a common misunderstanding that conflates the early Black press with the antislavery press. This view has held sway for decades in countless bibliographies and library catalogs, not to mention books, articles, and syllabi.1 The largest bibliography of African American periodicals, for example, includes dozens of white-edited abolitionist newspapers.2 To be sure, the Black men and women who edited antebellum newspapers did fight fiercely for the end of slavery, but they cared about far more. They created a press that dealt with the full range of issues and interests that attended antebellum Black life. The fight to abolish slavery was one piece of a much broader and more complex struggle for Black freedom and justice in the United States. This shift is less a matter of historiography than historical accuracy. Antebellum Black editors almost always asserted an independence and remit that exceeded the antislavery societies. In columns written to introduce every new publication, editors staked out a vast range of editorial positions and perspectives that catered to their ostensibly free Black readers. These columns touched on many topics, ranging from matters of collective self-defense—against racism,
{"title":"\"We Need a Press—a Press of Our Own\": The Black Press beyond Abolition","authors":"J. Casey","doi":"10.1353/cwh.2022.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2022.0010","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this essay is to counter a common misunderstanding that conflates the early Black press with the antislavery press. This view has held sway for decades in countless bibliographies and library catalogs, not to mention books, articles, and syllabi.1 The largest bibliography of African American periodicals, for example, includes dozens of white-edited abolitionist newspapers.2 To be sure, the Black men and women who edited antebellum newspapers did fight fiercely for the end of slavery, but they cared about far more. They created a press that dealt with the full range of issues and interests that attended antebellum Black life. The fight to abolish slavery was one piece of a much broader and more complex struggle for Black freedom and justice in the United States. This shift is less a matter of historiography than historical accuracy. Antebellum Black editors almost always asserted an independence and remit that exceeded the antislavery societies. In columns written to introduce every new publication, editors staked out a vast range of editorial positions and perspectives that catered to their ostensibly free Black readers. These columns touched on many topics, ranging from matters of collective self-defense—against racism,","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"80 1","pages":"117 - 130"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91232955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jim Downs, J. Lande, J. Waddell, Andrew Donnelly, David Silkenat, A. Cross, Carol Degrasse, Christopher Hager, Matthew Gallman, Andrew K. Frank, Khal Schneider
{"title":"Contributors","authors":"Jim Downs, J. Lande, J. Waddell, Andrew Donnelly, David Silkenat, A. Cross, Carol Degrasse, Christopher Hager, Matthew Gallman, Andrew K. Frank, Khal Schneider","doi":"10.1159/000505986","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1159/000505986","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"78 1","pages":"225 - 226 - 227 - 228 - 229 - 267 - 268 - 294 - 295 - 321 - 322 - 323 - 323 - 325 - 326 - 327 - 327"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89376435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tamika Y. Nunley, C. Clinton, Crystal N. Feimster, Marisa Fuentes, G. Gallagher, Steven Hahn
{"title":"Thavolia Glymph Roundtable","authors":"Tamika Y. Nunley, C. Clinton, Crystal N. Feimster, Marisa Fuentes, G. Gallagher, Steven Hahn","doi":"10.1353/cwh.2022.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2022.0002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"130 1","pages":"11 - 41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90423979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On September 14, 1848, sixteen-year-old Samuel Hadley spotted an announcement for a Whig rally pasted to a building along Central Street in Lowell, Massachusetts. He paused to take a closer look, but not because of the political nature of the event; it was the peculiarity of a speakers advertised that intrigued Hadley: “Hon. Abraham Lincoln of Illinois, the only Whig Representative in Congress from that State.” Despite Hadley’s sympathy for the Democratic Party, the chance to see an Illinois politician piqued his curiosity enough for him to attend the rally. As Hadley approached Massachusetts Hall that evening, he heard roars of laughter from the street outside. Upon entry, he caught view of Lincoln on stage and noticed the crowd’s response to his comical stories. Soon Hadley was taken by the Illinoisan’s long, towering body pacing across the stage, especially the way he “shook his sides” as he spoke. Hadley recounted that Lincoln enthralled the Lowell audience with “amusing illustrations” and “funny stories,” heightened by his “peculiar manner” on stage and the unusual way he pronounced words. Lowell onlookers were more amused by the Illinoisan than interested in his political arguments.1 From September 12 to 23, 1848, the thirty-nine-year-old Lincoln campaigned
{"title":"A Stumping Sucker: Reception of Abraham Lincoln in Massachusetts, September 11–23, 1848","authors":"D. Demaree","doi":"10.1353/cwh.2022.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2022.0004","url":null,"abstract":"On September 14, 1848, sixteen-year-old Samuel Hadley spotted an announcement for a Whig rally pasted to a building along Central Street in Lowell, Massachusetts. He paused to take a closer look, but not because of the political nature of the event; it was the peculiarity of a speakers advertised that intrigued Hadley: “Hon. Abraham Lincoln of Illinois, the only Whig Representative in Congress from that State.” Despite Hadley’s sympathy for the Democratic Party, the chance to see an Illinois politician piqued his curiosity enough for him to attend the rally. As Hadley approached Massachusetts Hall that evening, he heard roars of laughter from the street outside. Upon entry, he caught view of Lincoln on stage and noticed the crowd’s response to his comical stories. Soon Hadley was taken by the Illinoisan’s long, towering body pacing across the stage, especially the way he “shook his sides” as he spoke. Hadley recounted that Lincoln enthralled the Lowell audience with “amusing illustrations” and “funny stories,” heightened by his “peculiar manner” on stage and the unusual way he pronounced words. Lowell onlookers were more amused by the Illinoisan than interested in his political arguments.1 From September 12 to 23, 1848, the thirty-nine-year-old Lincoln campaigned","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"6 1","pages":"102 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86744381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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